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      "body": "The population of the United States was estimated at [3.7 million people](https://www.armstrongeconomics.com/us-population-1776-date/) , when New Hampshire became the [ninth state](https://www.infoplease.com/history-and-government/us-history/states-order-entry-union) to join the Union and the Constitution was ratified in 1788. In 2018, the U.S. population is estimated at [326 million people](https://www.google.com/publicdata/explore?ds=kf7tgg1uo9ude_&met_y=population&hl=en&dl=en) spread out across 50 states. To put this into context, today, the state of Connecticut has about as many people living in it as there were in the entire country when the Union was formed.\n\n At the time it was written, the U.S. Constitution, including the Bill of Rights, and the Federalist Papers likely made sense. This is no longer the case. The United States has approximately 88 times as many citizens today, with each region of the country differing socially, economically and politically from one another. This could not be more apparent than it is today, with the outcome of the 2016 Presidential election. \n\nIn the next election, Politicians will suggest that our divided country must be healed; that we as a Union of States must come together as a single nation. This is impractical, and a more logical solution is to move in the opposite direction. Each region of these United States should live according to its local culture. That said, it is also irrational to attempt some sort of radical change that produces immediate results. A change that occurs over a generation would likely maintain the greatest level of stability and prosperity for the people in each member state. This would begin with a steady decrease in the size and power of the federal government, with that power transferred to each state government. It would also include a shrinkage of government at the state and local level, where people will have more choices in how they live their lives and spend the fruits of their labor. \n\nBefore I go into detail on how this plan must be executed from a Libertarian perspective, it is important to understand our history, and the needs and desires of the people at the time the Union was formed so that we may shape a new path forward, in order to maintain the original intent of the US Constitution and Bill of Rights as a framework for maximizing individual liberty. I'll begin with an analysis of The Federalist 1, and how the government, and our needs have changed since it was written. Below is the unaltered text of <i>The Federalist 1</i>, and in the next post, I will dissect each of its parts as I paint a picture of a new path forward for the Liberty Movement.\n\n<h2>The Federalist 1</h2>\n<i>General Introduction \nHamilton for the Independent Journal.</i>\n\nTo the People of the State of New York:\n\nAFTER an unequivocal experience of the inefficiency of the subsisting federal government, you are called upon to deliberate on a new Constitution for the United States of America. The subject speaks its own importance; comprehending in its consequences nothing less than the existence of the union, the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed, the fate of an empire in many respects the most interesting in the world. It has been frequently remarked that it seems to have been reserved to the people of this country, by their conduct and example, to decide the important question, whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force. If there be any truth in the remark, the crisis at which we are arrived may with propriety be regarded as the era in which that decision is to be made; and a wrong election of the part we shall act may, in this view, deserve to be considered as the general misfortune of mankind.\n\nThis idea will add the inducements of philanthropy to those of patriotism, to heighten the solicitude which all considerate and good men must feel for the event. Happy will it be if our choice should be directed by a judicious estimate of our true interests, unperplexed and unbiased by considerations not connected with the public good. But this is a thing more ardently to be wished than seriously to be expected. The plan offered to our deliberations affects too many particular interests, innovates upon too many local institutions, not to involve in its discussion a variety of objects foreign to its merits, and of views, passions and prejudices little favorable to the discovery of truth.\n\nAmong the most formidable of the obstacles which the new Constitution will have to encounter may readily be distinguished the obvious interest of a certain class of men in every State to resist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power, emolument, and consequence of the offices they hold under the State establishments; and the perverted ambition of another class of men, who will either hope to aggrandize themselves by the confusions of their country, or will flatter themselves with fairer prospects of elevation from the subdivision of the empire into several partial confederacies than from its union under one government.\n\nIt is not, however, my design to dwell upon observations of this nature. I am well aware that it would be disingenuous to resolve indiscriminately the opposition of any set of men (merely because their situations might subject them to suspicion) into interested or ambitious views. Candor will oblige us to admit that even such men may be actuated by upright intentions; and it cannot be doubted that much of the opposition which has made its appearance, or may hereafter make its appearance, will spring from sources, blameless at least, if not respectable--the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceived jealousies and fears. So numerous indeed and so powerful are the causes which serve to give a false bias to the judgment, that we, upon many occasions, see wise and good men on the wrong as well as on the right side of questions of the first magnitude to society. This circumstance, if duly attended to, would furnish a lesson of moderation to those who are ever so much persuaded of their being in the right in any controversy. And a further reason for caution, in this respect, might be drawn from the reflection that we are not always sure that those who advocate the truth are influenced by purer principles than their antagonists. Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many other motives not more laudable than these, are apt to operate as well upon those who support as those who oppose the right side of a question. Were there not even these inducements to moderation, nothing could be more ill-judged than that intolerant spirit which has, at all times, characterized political parties. For in politics, as in religion, it is equally absurd to aim at making proselytes by fire and sword. Heresies in either can rarely be cured by persecution.\n\nAnd yet, however just these sentiments will be allowed to be, we have already sufficient indications that it will happen in this as in all former cases of great national discussion. A torrent of angry and malignant passions will be let loose. To judge from the conduct of the opposite parties, we shall be led to conclude that they will mutually hope to evince the justness of their opinions, and to increase the number of their converts by the loudness of their declamations and the bitterness of their invectives. An enlightened zeal for the energy and efficiency of government will be stigmatized as the offspring of a temper fond of despotic power and hostile to the principles of liberty. An over-scrupulous jealousy of danger to the rights of the people, which is more commonly the fault of the head than of the heart, will be represented as mere pretense and artifice, the stale bait for popularity at the expense of the public good. It will be forgotten, on the one hand, that jealousy is the usual concomitant of love, and that the noble enthusiasm of liberty is apt to be infected with a spirit of narrow and illiberal distrust. On the other hand, it will be equally forgotten that the vigor of government is essential to the security of liberty; that, in the contemplation of a sound and well-informed judgment, their interest can never be separated; and that a dangerous ambition more often lurks behind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people than under the forbidden appearance of zeal for the firmness and efficiency of government. History will teach us that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism than the latter, and that of those men who have overturned the liberties of republics, the greatest number have begun their career by paying an obsequious court to the people; commencing demagogues, and ending tyrants.\n\nIn the course of the preceding observations, I have had an eye, my fellow-citizens, to putting you upon your guard against all attempts, from whatever quarter, to influence your decision in a matter of the utmost moment to your welfare, by any impressions other than those which may result from the evidence of truth. You will, no doubt, at the same time, have collected from the general scope of them, that they proceed from a source not unfriendly to the new Constitution. Yes, my countrymen, I own to you that, after having given it an attentive consideration, I am clearly of opinion it is your interest to adopt it. I am convinced that this is the safest course for your liberty, your dignity, and your happiness. I affect not reserves which I do not feel. I will not amuse you with an appearance of deliberation when I have decided. I frankly acknowledge to you my convictions, and I will freely lay before you the reasons on which they are founded. The consciousness of good intentions disdains ambiguity. I shall not, however, multiply professions on this head. My motives must remain in the depository of my own breast. My arguments will be open to all, and may be judged of by all. They shall at least be offered in a spirit which will not disgrace the cause of truth.\n\nI propose, in a series of papers, to discuss the following interesting particulars:\n<b>The utility of the union to your political prosperity\nthe insufficiency of the present confederation to preserve that union\nthe necessity of a government at least equally energetic with the one proposed, to the attainment of this object\nthe conformity of the proposed constitution to the true principles of republican government\nits analogy to your own state constitution\nand lastly, the additional security which its adoption will afford to the preservation of that species of government, to liberty, and to property.</b>\n\nIn the progress of this discussion I shall endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to your attention.\n\nIt may perhaps be thought superfluous to offer arguments to prove the utility of the UNION, a point, no doubt, deeply engraved on the hearts of the great body of the people in every State, and one, which it may be imagined, has no adversaries. But the fact is, that we already hear it whispered in the private circles of those who oppose the new Constitution, that the thirteen States are of too great extent for any general system, and that we must of necessity resort to separate confederacies of distinct portions of the whole. This doctrine will, in all probability, be gradually propagated, till it has votaries enough to countenance an open avowal of it. For nothing can be more evident, to those who are able to take an enlarged view of the subject, than the alternative of an adoption of the new Constitution or a dismemberment of the Union. It will therefore be of use to begin by examining the advantages of that Union, the certain evils, and the probable dangers, to which every State will be exposed from its dissolution. This shall accordingly constitute the subject of my next address.\n\n<h3>Publius.</h3>\n\nThe same idea, tracing the arguments to their consequences, is held out in several of the late publications against the new Constitution.",
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      "body": "![statue-of-liberty-1210001_1280.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmY2yEg7DpGt1c7SfiKiheNRwSCaUC3sx5gifMTPk46275/statue-of-liberty-1210001_1280.jpg)\nIf you're a libertarian who engages others in conversation, whether on social media or in person, then you've most likely witnessed the occasional \"libertarian purity test.\" A person comes out as pro-life, or they believe in borders, or they're a minarchist and haven't fully embraced the hypothetical of a completely voluntary society where people subscribe to rights enforcement services and private court systems, and suddenly someone says, \"You're not a real libertarian!\"\n\nThe truth is, libertarianism is a spectrum. Some people come from the right, because they're fiscally conservative and have realized that the overton window has moved to the left, and Republicans are too authoritative when it comes to personal choices, and that they want big government, just like the Democrats. I came from the left, because I grew up on the outskirts of New York City, where we believe that government shouldn't dictate morality, only to realize that modern liberals are just as authoritarian about their beliefs as conservatives, and that many of their big government ideas do more harm than good, even though they appear to be well-intentioned. Some people will claim to have been libertarians all along. These tend to be academics who can quote Rothbard, or Mises or any number of economists and philosophers. We took many paths and here we are, divided into arguably more segments than the combination of all Democrats and Republicans. We are one another's closest allies, and yet we spend time bickering over the purity of our principles on one side, and the palatability of our message on the other. \n\nIn order to advance our pursuit of liberty, it is important to get as many people moving in the same direction as possible. Presently, everyone's herding cats in their particular factions and we lack the unity and organization that's required to advance our common objectives in a meaningful way. This needs to change.\n\nAs a first step, I took an informal temperature of the community. I started by taking an informal, unscientific poll in a big-L Libertarian group on Facebook. The question I posed was, \"Who are the 3 most influential people in the liberty movement <i>today</i>?\"\n\nAt some point in the future, I may run a similar poll among ancaps and other groups to discover other trends, and I may also take a temperature on the more historic figures who have shaped the movement. But for now, I wanted to see who people see as our leaders and influencers in modern-day politics. I did not outline strict rules, and as expected, I got a wide range of responses. Several people responded with some sort of variant of, \"Me, myself and I\" and while this is arguably as libertarian as one can get with a response, it's not helpful to my study and so these people have been omitted from the final results. I also omitted podcasts, social media channels and other responses that were not specific to an individual, as well as any negative responses such as Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump and Vladamir Putin, and anyone who was deceased.\n\nAs expected, the two people who got the most votes were Ron Paul and Tom Woods, respectively. The next most popular group of people each got approximately half as many votes as Paul and Woods, and these included Larry Sharpe, Justin Amash, Austin Petersen, Rand Paul and Thomas Massie. Slightly less popular was the group that consisted of Arvin Vohra, Dave Smith, Hans-Hermann Hoppe , Jason Stapleton, Jeffrey Tucker, Judge Andrew Napolitano and Robert Murphy. \n\nApproximately 15 other people were selected by participants, but they did not get enough votes to be included in this informal study.\n\nIn the next installment of this article series, I will outline what I believe to be the most important attributes of the most popular influencers on this list. The goal is to find common traits among them that people find appealing. Some of these people are running for office. Others are anarchists. Some are minarchists, and some are Liberty Republicans who hold public office, rather than card-carrying Libertarians who for the most part have not been able to defeat the Red/Blue Duopoly that holds power today.\n\nIf you haven't already done so, please upvote this article, and follow my blog. The amount of effort I put into the next installment of this series will depend partly on the response I get. The ultimate goal will be for me to provide a roadmap for success that can serve to advance our cause to the point where we are a true force to be reckoned with.  Stay tuned!",
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