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      "body": "![pioneers_4-t.jpg](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmX1dJ9CfykViTtJCioh3Kn6ykYHwEAbbaJzmAT8WhK4Kw/pioneers_4-t.jpg)\n\nJust an hour ride east of Moscow lays Vladimir, the historical heart of Russia. There you can find a renovated, shining Kremlin with interiors decorated by Andrei Rublev. There is a river, too: the Klyazma is one of the many veins of the Eurasian steppe. This year, the Vladimir region hosted Terra Scientia, a youth forum and a series of events around a common theme: the patriotic education of the Russian youth. The symbolism is intentional. Russian education often gets criticized abroad for the government's efforts to infuse it with the ruling ideology. To verify whether this holds true,  guided by general interest in Russian politics and history, I decided to observe the event from the inside. This is how I ended up attending the political camp for youth parties of the Russian Federation.\n\nAt the Vladimir train station, I make new acquaintances: people from the Far East, from Vladivostok and the regi, ons bordering Mongolia. They do not belong to any political party, which does help me feel more at ease. As a foreigner ('European') interested in local culture, I will be greeted with great openness and interest throughout the entire duration of the camp. The social side of the event has been great success from the beginning, even though alcohol is strictly prohibited in an effort to promote healthy lifestyle. Upon arriving to the forum, I am impressed by the organization of the event. People are to sleep in groups of 10 in big shared tents, which resemble army barracks, but are also cosy, warm and clean. Infrastructure is new and it appears that a lot of money has been invested into organizing the forum.\n\nThere are very few foreigners besides me at the site. Funnily enough, we are assigned to the tent of LDPR, the youth wing of the nationalist party, its leader being controversial Zhirinovsky. He is known for his eccentric behaviour (sometimes compared to Donald Trump) intertwined with Great Power nostalgia. He will soon be invited to the stage to talk about how great it was to have Soviet tanks stationed in Warsaw, the capital of my own country. Upon hearing the news, some of the foreigners protest against sleeping under one tent with the LDPR youth. They would like to be moved to the communist tent instead (the nationality factor should not be that important in the communist tent after all). Having to face the choice between the communist and far-right tent, I refuse to take any decision and wait to see what happens instead.\n\nLuckily enough, the LDPR youth turn out to be welcoming, as they want to make me feel the Russian hospitality. To my eye, the LDPRs do not differ too much from  youth organizations of other political parties. This is a recurring theme in my experience of Russian politics: although they use different flags, colours and guiding principles, Russian political forces seem to be nearly undistinguishable from each other when it comes to the heart of the matter.\n\nThere are four parties in the Russian Duma (the Parliament) and they all seem designed with a purpose of maintaining the status quo of the political system. United Russia, which supports Vladimir Putin, is the biggest party that gets roughly half of the vote and most of the seats in the Duma. After it comes a myriad of smaller parties targeted at different electoral groups: the nostalgic Communists Party of the Russian Federation, the 'middle-class' Fair Russia and the 'protest' LDPR.\n\n'The contract opposition', plays the role of alternative to United Russia. Its raison d'être is to provide a semblance of mild disapproval  while securing the electorate's support for the entire system. They may have different ideas about the motherland, but 'patriotism' is the glue that binds them all. Therefore, it is symbolic that when Zyuganov, the leader of the Communist Party, asks the audience if they believe that the Russian state should have a guiding ideology to bind its people, the overwhelming majority raises their hands, notwithstanding their political affiliation. Strange as it may seem in a country that suffered so much from the clash of ideologies, one thing has to be noted: 'Russia' as we know it today was only invented in the 90s. It is made of more than hundred ethnicities, making it feel unstable.\n\nLeaders of the parliamentary parties are all invited to give speeches at the forum. Parties who are not in the Duma are not officially represented, therefore enhancing the closed club feel. It quickly becomes apparent the parliamentary political parties have 'decided' to act together. Participation in Russian politics comes at the price of obedience to the needs of the system embodied by Vladimir Putin. Party leaders present it as a patriotic measure and embrace the war rhetoric: Russia is allegedly being menaced by the West and the US-funded groups are only waiting to start a colour revolution in the country. Revolution means turmoil and turmoil is bad: just look at Ukraine, think about the wild privatization of the 90s or consider the damages of the Russian Civil War or any other Smuta. Russia needs stability and current government provides it – or at least this is how the political narrative goes.\n\nI talk with fellow Russian colleagues about politics. Some of them are students, representatives in regional Dumas and activists in NGOs. They try to be good Russian citizens; they work for the country and believe they can change things. When asked about the opposition, many of them smile: ''it's only there for the public'' a friend tells me. I ask another person what he thinks about colour revolutions ''… we will not let it happen, as we did not let it happen in 2012 (protests following the elections)''. The current government is seen as a symbol: it is contrasted with the humiliating years of Yeltsin. In this context, the Russian state appears strong again. It invests in educational programmes (free of charge public education is used as an argument against any criticism), it respects cultural diversity, it takes care of the less fortunate, at least in public: handicapped people are respectfully provided with facilities that let them participate in the camp on an equal basis. However, the hardships resulting from the economic crisis are sometimes voiced: most of the participants are young people who work hard and receive little in return. Some people are getting bored with the patriotism talk: they are tired of corruption and want real measures to be implemented to make their lives better. The argument that they were 'given' free education does not convince them, too.\n\nWhere does the Russian youth get their information? TV is limited to state-owned channels which work along the single narrative. TV Rain, a notable exception, is the only ‘opposition’ channel and does not stop short of criticizing the government and its corruption. However, one of the participants notes that Gazprom also has shares in TV Rain. Many young people turn to the internet. Contrary to China, there is no official censorship of the internet. However, the language barrier remains the biggest obstacle to the access to information from other perspectives. The web, monitored and shaped as if a state was the moderator, is simply too spammed with the official governmental line. It is possible to access any type of information, but few ever try.\n\nThe level of commitment to the ruling party varies: members of its youth organization are often seen wearing t-shirts with Putin and praising him in public. The members of other parties usually accept Putin's guiding role, but often criticize individuals from United Russia, corruption being the hot topic. Dissent and criticism is accepted as long as it does not aim at the foundations of the political system. Among the parties from the parliament, only the communist youth seems to carry some measure of true opposition towards the system buried in their hearts. This is mainly due to the fact that they are too nostalgic about the bigger-than-life figures of Lenin and Stalin. The communists form the most 'motivated' group: they wake up every day at 6 am to jog around the site singing communist songs under the red banners. There are also people without any party allegiance: members of local NGOs and activists. Some of them do not seem so eager to accept the supremacy of United Russia and the President, but they stop short of expressing such sentiments. Being apolitical in Russia is a political statement in itself.\n\nThere is a certain charm to people believing they are the masters of their own fate. However, above all this, overcoming, there is a strange feeling hanging in the air: the uncertainty. During one of the lectures, a storm gathers and hits the conference tent, making it feel shaky and unstable. People grow uneasy; the narrative has not predicted this occurrence. Some of them realize that the tent is just like Russia: an abstract construct meant to organize the infinity. But can it survive a storm?",
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