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      "body": "### Namaste from the Burn Ward\n\nHot holy hell does [this guy David Chapman](https://vividness.live/2015/10/07/the-mindfulness-crisis-and-the-end-of-consensus-buddhism/) have some refreshingly [woke](https://vividness.live/2015/09/30/why-westerners-rebranded-secular-ethics-as-buddhist-and-banned-tantra/) [takes](https://vividness.live/2015/10/09/buddhist-ethics-a-tantric-critique/) on the incessant moral/political sermonizing of progressive Buddhists. Some great names for it too, like [\"FTFY Buddhism\"](https://vividness.live/2015/10/02/ftfy-buddhist-ethics/#replacing) to describe the ethos of reform. Problem is, the ethics we are supposed to adopt, though presented as Dharmic, are not particularly Buddhist. In fact, they are suspiciously identical to the pious morality of the left.\n\nDavid Chapman's thoughts are of special interest to me because he's a fellow Vajrayana Buddhist, specifically of a Nyingma lineage. As a Nyingmapa myself, I expect there might be a great deal of convergence between us. So far much of what I've read has me nodding along as I read many of the same things I've been saying.\n\nChapman calls the Buddhist progressive axis \"Consensus Buddhism.\" I'm not sure why. I don't believe there actually is a consensus in Western Buddhism, except perhaps in its media organs. But I suppose he refers to the fact that a number of highly visible Western Buddhist teachers have formed a homogeneous ideological bloc that crosses traditional sectarian lines. It's the sort of bland, feel-good Buddhism you find in publications like Tricycle.\n\nConsensus \"Buddhist ethics\" can't be derived from fundamental Buddhist principles in any consistent way. It's actually at odds with morality as prescribed in Buddhist tradition (for example, Buddhist sexual ethics). We're told that Buddhist contemplative methods belong to a complete unified package and should not be practiced without these ethics. But while the Buddha did teach meditation, and he did teach ethics, he did not teach anything like the \"Buddhist ethics\" being sold to us today.\n\nThis \"Buddhist ethics\" is supposed to be Buddhist because it's *compassionate*, although exactly how you derive it from compassion is unclear. My best guess is that it's compassionate because it's the sort of morality that would be held by a Democrat and not a Republican.\n\n### The Culture Wars Come to Vajrayana Buddhism\n\nI disagree with Chapman's [premature announcement](https://vividness.live/2015/10/25/consensus-buddhism-whats-left/) in 2015 that Consensus Buddhism was undergoing dissipative heat death. It had lost the fight against the apolitical secular mindfulness movement which has no qualms ministering to capitalists and soldiers, but it would soon target traditional Asian Buddhism, aka Buddhism.\n\nFor a time, Consensus Buddhism conformed predictably to what you would have found in other upper middle-class liberal circles of the time, but with more compassion, or at least more talk about compassion. I say \"would have\" and \"of the time\" because at some point this *meh* brand of progressivism (I mean the general non-Buddhist variety) mutated into a truly nasty virus called the social justice warrior. If I had to pinpoint the catalyst for that transformation, I would venture Gamergate. That would be the moment when meddlesome but mostly benign activists became militants in a culture war, although in hindsight the failure of the Occupy movement to even specify demands was an early indicator of dysfunction growing within the left. The social justice warrior was present in a nascent form, already radicalized by postmodernist professors and critical race theory.\n\nMy first encounter with this deadly strain of social justice was in a discussion about a well-reputed scholar who was accused of date rape and lost his job. The victim's description of the alleged rape didn't particularly sound like rape, but that wasn't even the controversial part. The controversial part was that I said it was a dangerous precedent if the mere accusation of rape without substantiation was enough to destroy a man's career and reputation. I recommended that, since rape is a felony, it should be prosecuted as a criminal case in a court of law, not as a witch trial in the kangaroo court of Twitter and Facebook. I further made the suggestion that due process is a good model here, since it protects the rights of the accused.\n\nThis brought a now-predictable shitstorm of condemnation down on me, as I was called a misogynist, rape apologist, and MRA. At the time I had to google the latter term and was both amused and perturbed that support for due process was being relegated to some fringe idpol faction. Beyond the fact that feminists were politicizing due process and ready to sacrifice it to their all-important agenda, what I found disturbing was the hysterical, bigoted tone of their discourse and how closely their excoriations resembled the ritual humiliation of a [Maoist struggle session](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Struggle_session). And to add a grotesque irony to the whole thing, one of my accusers was an American-born *Tibetan*. Surely, if anyone should have built up an immunity to totalitarian ideological mania and the persecution of class enemies, it would be Tibetans, for whom the horrors of the Cultural Revolution are seared on their collective consciousness. Well, when the shoe's on the other foot...\n\n### Samayagate\nOf course, feminist moral panic has since become commonplace. So it seems quaint that even a few years ago, I would have been naïve enough to try to *reason* with the people on the other side of such an issue. The moral panic has not spared Vajrayana Buddhism, either. SJWs soon moved on to putting Tibetan lamas in their crosshairs for the crime of having sex with female students, which they termed *sexual abuse*. Despite the fact that this is perfectly permissible behavior according to the Buddhist tantric code, it is not permissible according to feminism. For them, Tibetan Buddhism is a \"patriarchal system\" that needs to be purified. Never mind that no one forced them to join this patriarchal system in the first place; they're here now and they will reform it, whether you like it or not. If you want to know what someone really believes, don't listen to their words; look at their behavior. These people do *not* believe in Buddhadharma; they believe in feminism. They are trying to cannibalize Buddhism from within.\n\nIn Buddhist tantra, the guru-disciple relationship is inviolable. The guru has complete authority; he is an absolute monarch. SJWs want to turn him into a constitutional monarch and establish consensus processes for decision-making in Buddhist institutions. In other words, they want to seize power from the lama and put it in the hands of a board. This board will no doubt be almost entirely composed of an ideologically radicalized coterie of Caucasian progressives. It's a power grab.\n\nBut the Vajrayana model of organization not democracy, it is the mandala. As Ronald Davidson showed in *Indian Esoteric Buddhism*, the *mandala* is a political metaphor. Specifically *mandala* is a medieval feudal term that refers to the the dominion of a sovereign. At the center of the mandala is the sovereign and surrounding him are his vassals.  And the sovereign of the mandala is the guru – or, in Tibetan translation, the *lama*.\n\nThis is an explicitly inegalitarian structure. It comes into conflict with the egalitarian legacy values of the West, and especially of  America. This anti-clerical egalitarianism bears a remarkable resemblance to something... a religious movement... I can't quite place it. But I get ahead of myself.\n\nThese developments brought me out of my neutrality. Somehow I could tolerate intolerance in the land of my birth, but I could not abide these zealots trying to destroy the Dharma. As far as I was concerned, the attack on the institution of the Vajrayana guru was a declaration of war.\n\n### A Lama Fights Back\n\nWhile all this was going on, Dzongsar Khyentse Rinpoche [stuck his head above the parapet](https://www.facebook.com/djkhyentse/posts/2007833325908805) to defend the Vajrayana and, no doubt, his friend. If you're practitioner of Vajrayana, the post is worth reading in full. If not, it will probably be of no interest to you.\n\nThe replies he got to his Facebook posts were mostly positive, but the smattering of negative reactions were illuminating for their hostile and not-so-compassionate tone:\n\n> The Tibetan male equivalent's of Harvey Weinstein are yet to be held to account. I would imagine it wont be too much longer before non-Tibetan followers of Tibetan Buddhism will be forced to express their complicity in the ongoing power abuses in much the same way as Hollywood is at present.\n\nA threat: \"Even if you're innocent, you're not innocent. We're coming for you next.\"\n\n> too much bourbon i am guessing. adored by thousands for his duplicity. i remember when he taught about ethics, critical thinking and decency as companions to dharma. well that's gone. back to the himilayan hillbilly world\n\nNote the reference to ethics. Whose ethics, I wonder? Also the inventive ethnic slur didn't go unnoticed. Nice folks, these progressives.\n\nI would be remiss if I didn't also mention what was a [truly inspired piece of trolling](https://www.facebook.com/djkhyentse/photos/a.813672771991539.1073741826.158696727489150/2220860124606123/), a photo of the revered lama standing in front of a lingerie advert, captioned only with the MeToo hashtag. Its aim is so exact, it evinces a virtuosity in social media communication that would seem masterful even if he *weren't* a 50-something Tibetan lama from Bhutan. Clearly not just another *himilayan [sic] hillbilly.*\n\n<center>![#MeToo](https://i.imgur.com/wyoNdaT.png)</center>\n\n(Trolling may seem to be a rather unrestrained, immoderate, un-Buddhist response to the mob, but I don't think so. The mob itself is not amenable to reason. Trying to defend and justify your position discursively is futile. It will only be taken as further evidence of your guilt. The inexorable, logically necessary outcome of the social justice mob's piety signaling is to go into a feedback loop that can't stop unless over the charred remains of a victim. Appeals to reason only feed this social-psychological mechanism. So far, the only effective counterattack seems to be mockery, or meme warfare.)\n\nSo, no, David Chapman, Consensus Buddhism never petered out. It drew energy from the ferocity of the culture wars and began attacking traditional Buddhism with renewed vigor. And it's not going to leave us alone.\n\n### Buddhist Protestantism\n\nUp until now I have used Chapman's preferred term, Consensus Buddhism, but I don't particularly like it. I prefer Protestant Buddhism or, better yet, Buddhist Protestantism, which I use in an unusual way to mean watered-down Buddhism with a foreign graft of progressive political values. My reasons are twofold:\n\n1. To mock the reformist pretensions of political progressives in Buddhism. It's pretentious because they want to reform the morality of Buddhism, but they have done almost nothing in the way of ethical reasoning themselves. There is no serious thought behind these ethical reforms; it's a cultural reflex. Just as the historical Puritans originally sought to purify the Anglican Church by purging the Roman \"Papist\" elements, modern Puritan Buddhists seek to purify Buddhism by expunging it of \"extraneous,\" \"cultural\" elements and \"backwards\" (read: incompatible with contemporary leftism) morals.\n\n2. Because the actual source of Western Buddhist ethics *is* Protestantism, quite literally, in both a historical and theological sense, with secularized progressive ideology as the intermediary form.\n\nI also have to confess that I'm using this term in non-standard way. It's usually acknowledged that, through colonialism, Protestant ideas influenced Asian Buddhism. Chapman is correct to point out that this compromised Buddhism was often what hippie travelers encountered and brought back in the 60's when they went to Asia.\n\nAnd he's also right to point out that the so-called \"Buddhist ethics\" promoted nowadays [are not Buddhist at all](https://vividness.live/2015/09/24/buddhist-ethics-is-not-buddhist-ethics/), but Western and leftist. He even makes an aside that the American leftist ethics he's identifying are \"[rooted in Calvinism](https://vividness.live/2015/10/09/buddhist-ethics-a-tantric-critique/)\" and throws this burn into a footnote: \"It’s amusing, and perhaps illuminating, to view Consensus Buddhism as a mildly eccentric Protestant Christian sect that replaced Palestinian fairy tales with Indian fairy tales.\" Nailed it. But he doesn't quite make the argument.\n\nI think I can help him with that, with [a little assist from Mencius Moldbug](https://unqualified-reservations.blogspot.com/2007/06/ultracalvinist-hypothesis-in.html). (Now I'm not a neoreactionary, but to repurpose a Moldbug's [own words](http://unqualified-reservations.blogspot.com/2007/11/why-i-am-not-white-nationalist.html), \"I am not exactly allergic to the stuff.\" I'm working on a post critiquing certain tenets of neoreaction.)\n\nThe historical development of progressivism as traced by Moldbug  goes something like this, as far as I can tell:\n\n *John Calvin > Levellers, Ranters, Diggers, Quakers, etc. / Brownism > Massachusetts Bay theocratic state Puritanism > Unitarianism, Universalism, Transcendentalism / abolitionism > turn-of-the-century Progressive Era > postwar mainline Protestantism > Progressivism*\n\nMoldbug didn't quite sell me on this the first time I was reading him, and there are still some lacunae in this picture. But when I did some digging and actually read some of the primary sources of 17th-century British Protestant sects, I was convinced. In fact, there's scarcely a major movement or ideological system of the left that wasn't prefigured in some radical Protestant sect of the 1600s in Britain.\n\nLate 20th century progressivism is more proximally the heir to the ideological mood of the 19th century Progressive Era, which was inextricably tied up with Protestantism in the same way that cultural conservatism prior to 2016 was inseparable from evangelical Christianity. *Progress* as used by this ideology is a calque for *Providence* and elides the religious specificity of its Protestant ethical orientation and teleological view of history. It did this in order to repackage a parochial religious ethics as a universal humanist ideology founded on secular values. This system is marketed to us as rationalist but, as Nietzsche pointed out in *Twilight of the Idols* about similar attempts at smuggling Christian morality in his era, it can't be derived rationally but depends fundamentally on disguised Christian theology.\n\n> *G. Eliot.* – They have got rid of the Christian God, and now think that they have to hold on to Christian morality more than ever: that is an English form of consistency, and we do not want to blame the moral little females à la Eliot for it. In England, every time you take one small step towards emancipation from theology you have to reinvent yourself as a moral fanatic in the most awe-inspiring way. That is the price you pay there. – For the rest of us, things are different. When you give up Christian faith, you pull the rug out from under your right to Christian morality as well. This is anything but obvious: you have to keep driving this point home, English idiots to the contrary. Christianity is a system, a carefully considered, integrated view of things. If you break off a main tenet, the belief in God, you smash the whole system along with it: you lose your grip on anything necessary. Christianity presupposes that humans do not know, cannot know what is good for them or what is evil, they believe in God who has privileged knowledge of this. Christian morality is a command; it has a transcendent origin; it is beyond all criticism, all right to criticism; it has truth only if God is the truth, – it stands or falls along with belief in God. – When the English really believe that they ‘intuitively’ know all by themselves what is good and what is evil; and when, as a result, they think that they do not need Christianity to guarantee morality any more, this is itself just the result of the domination of the Christian value judgment and an expression of the strength and depth of this domination: so that the origin of English morality has been forgotten, so that no one can see how highly conditioned its right to exist really is. For the English, morality is not a problem yet . . . .\n\nI have a lot more to say on this topic, and I realize I haven't quite made the case yet. I'm saving that for my next post. But for now I think this will suffice as a sketchy outline of my contention that the version of Buddhism being sold to many Westerners is not only not exactly Buddhist, it's not even secular. It's secularized, Buddhicized Protestantism.",
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      "permlink": "incels-multiculturalism-and-the-dissolution-of-the-social-mandala",
      "title": "Incels, Multiculturalism, and the Dissolution of the Social Mandala",
      "body": "When that second-wave feminist slogan, \"The personal is political,\" was coined in the 60's, probably no one imagined anything like incels entering the fray to fight for their right to get laid. But if sexual orientation can be politicized, then so can sexual frustration, and that most reviled of sexual deviants—the male loser—can turn insurrectionist.\n\nIn the past, male losers in the sexual arena were diverted into other causes. They took up some form or another of political extremism. Or they became religious zealots. Islamist terrorism draws from a nearly bottomless well of feckless young men with no access to mates, thanks to widespread polygamy in Islamic cultures. Incels merely drop the religious and ideological pretense and get straight to the point: they're angry because no one wants to fuck them.\n\nJordan Peterson recently stepped in it, again, by stating in a New York Times interview that the solution to the problem of violent incels is \"[enforced monogamy](https://www.nytimes.com/2018/05/18/style/jordan-peterson-12-rules-for-life.html).\" I never thought I'd live to see the day when promoting monogamy would provoke an outrcry, yet here we are. Leftist outlets immediately jumped on this as confirmation of Peterson's misogyny. In addition to Peterson the actual man, there are at least two Petersons occupying at least two cultural niches in the public imagination. There's the messianic Peterson, an emissary of the divine *Logos* to our benighted SJW age, who will induct us into the sacraments of Cleaning Our Damn Rooms and Sorting Ourselves Out as *imatatio Christi*. Then there's the strawman Peterson, a wingnut who envisions a fascist totalitarian order in which wives are parceled out to young men in state-sanctioned monogamy.\n\nThe only problem is, [as Peterson himself clarified](https://jordanbpeterson.com/media/on-the-new-york-times-and-enforced-monogamy/), \"enforced monogamy\" doesn't mean enforced by the state, it's an anthropological term that means monogamy enforced by sociocultural norms. Peterson is right to point out that the natural human tendency to sort itself into polygamous sexual hierarchies with top-tier males hogging all the females must perforce exile the sexual losers of the mating game, who form violent, rapey bachelor herds. Monogamy, though imperfect and prone to problems such as widespread cheating, does tend to produce better outcomes for women, who get stable fathers for their children, for low-status males, whose odds of mating improve drastically, and for society as a whole, which solves its bachelor herd problem by eliminating permanent bachelorhood. In a single elegant solution, monogamy is a cultural improvement on our natural inheritance. And it has the added advantage of having withstood the test of time—[the Lindy effect](https://medium.com/incerto/an-expert-called-lindy-fdb30f146eaf) at work, a heuristic that states you can expect an idea or an institution to stick around for a long time if it has already stuck around for a long time. And here we're talking about a time scale the encompasses the beginning of agriculture.\n\nThe incel phenomenon is not an isolated one. It belongs to a class of similar phenomena, all characterized by a sexual hysteria that has taken root as we begin to witness the fallout of discarding our ancient sexual bargain. Just three or four years ago, it suddenly became heretical to say that women don't have penises and men can't become pregnant. Challenging this complete negation of gender categories is liable to get you excoriated in an auto-da-fé of social justice, which will definitely also call for your reputation and career to be destroyed if they can discern your real identity. These phenomena, as well as the furor raised over Peterson's monogamy comments, collectively are indicators of how extensively we've gutted our cultural traditions in the West.\n\nIt's not just the sex thing, either. It's also the fact that we now live in multicultural societies—an oxymoron, and I'll explain why.\n\nThe doctrine of multiculturalism has never been particularly well defined, so I won't attempt to define it. I think we all know what it means, anyway. It has been pushed to most harmful effect perhaps in Europe, but North America has not been spared. What multiculturalism *isn't* is a monoculture. But forget multiculture and monoculture—what is culture? Culture is not just the colorful customs, outfits, and cuisines of a people. A culture is a system of beliefs and values that govern social behavior.\n\nThese values are malleable but not arbitrary. They are adapted to social, economic, and geographical niches by a Darwinian process of selection. They range at every level from how men treat women to how you hold your fork and knife, even to how you dispose of garbage or how long you maintain eye contact. In other words, culture defines protocol for even the most minute of social behaviors. And when two people have two different protocols for an interaction, they are going to clash. That clash could be benign, from fumbling some behavior and muttering an embarassed apology (best case scenario), to downright dangerous—violence, riots, and even war (worst case scenario). Further complicating the problem is that we cannot assume that both agents in such an interaction are acting in good faith.\n\nHistorically, neighboring cultures had to interact with each other, but they didn't have a common protocol. So how did they do it? They resorted to the lowest common denominator within which the boundaries of social protocol are easiest to define because you can put a number on them. That is, commerce. When two parties can negotiate a mutually profitable arrangement, it tends to equalize all other factors. Merchants from one culture would additionally learn points of etiquette of the other culture, to signal respect and good will and make trade go as smooth as possible.\n\nSo what happens when you throw many cultures into the same crockpot and turn up the heat? What happens is two things: First, members of multiple cultures, to the extent that they interact, resort to the lowest common denominators. Commerce and consumerism become the outstanding features of the society, which replaces the arts with entertainment and ends up with something like our current dumbed-down pop culture.\n\nThe second thing that happens is that the multiple cultures don't maintain their distinctive qualities. After simmering in the crockpot for long enough, the various ingredients lose their individual flavors and take on the flavor of the stew. Multiculturalism is a paradox because it ostensibly promotes cultural plurality within a single society, but it does the reverse: it dissolves all cultures into the bland stew of pop culture and consumerism. The name is Orwellian, it means its opposite. Multiculturalism destroys cultures.\n\nAs a Buddhist of mainly Anglo-American stock, I am at the margin of my ancestral culture. Hence it might seem weird for me to argue against multiculturalism. After all, I seem to be in some way a product of it. But to be at the margin of a culture is to be at the margin of *a culture*. There can be no periphery without a center. And whether you are at the center or the edge of the mandala, you're still in the same mandala.\n\n![Mandala](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bb/Vishnu_Mandala.jpg)\n\nThe difference between multiculturalism and, say, a culturally anchored society that tolerates plurality, which would be my ideal, is that the latter has a center and a periphery, and the center tolerates the periphery. Multiculturalism has no center and no periphery. It is nonculture. It is not unbound and free—it is unmoored, rootless, blown about in aimless drift. A multicultural society is a society in a state of dissolution.\n\nBy contrast, a tolerant society is one in which, implicitly, Buddhists or Muslims say, for example, \"I will respect that Christian humanism and the liberal democratic tradition define the values and the center of this society if you will allow us to exist at the periphery,\" and Christians say, \"You've got a deal.\" Break the terms of this contract and the center is not bound to honor the terms of the contract. One way I could breach the contract is by engaging in vegetarian activism in an attempt to force my religion's nonviolent, animal-loving principles on the general public. Another way I could utterly break it is to engage in terrorist insurrection or organized rape against the center.\n\nSo here we arrive at the unifying theme of our time, the thing that explains everything from the populist electoral upsets of 2016 and the rise of rightwing ethnonationalism in Europe to #MeToo and incels. It's the breakdown of the social contract through the top-down dual enforcement of *(a)* coerced cultural renovation and high immigration flows against popular will by the Brahmin Left and *(b)* corporate welfare and neoliberal globalism by the Vaishya Right. (The astute reader will note the degree to which the interests of these competing elites align; the overlaps are by coincidence the areas getting the strongest pushback from populists.) The Brahmin Left doesn't want to loosen its stranglehold on the informational organs of society, while the Merchant Right just wants to ensure that all this unrest doesn't harm their profits. Likely both elite groups will emerge from this storm badly bruised at best, although my money is on the capitalists to navigate these choppy waters more skilfully.\n\nSo we can see the falsity of the widespread notion that the current wave of populism is rooted in economic frustration. It's not about the economy and will not be forestalled by improving the economy. It's about exactly what it purports to be about: identity, culture, and ethnicity and the mismanagement of our societies by the dual elite system. The populist reaction to the breakdown of the current order is to hit the reset button and reassert the supremacy of Christian and Western cultural identities. They represent the exiled center and they are gathering strength, so we who find ourselves at the periphery of Western societies had better be prepared to strike a deal with them. If we don't find a way to absorb this force, we will be engulfed by it.",
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      "title": "More on Piketty's \"Brahmin Left vs Merchant Right\"",
      "body": "(In this article I riff some more on themes from Piketty's article \"Brahmin Left vs Merchant Right.\" I've been thinking about these themes for some time now, and then Piketty's paper came along and helped me crystalize some of my ideas. I may revisit it again in the near future.)\n\nRemember in 2016 when there was a spate of handwringing anti-democratic articles in the wake of Brexit and Trump? Journalists wondered aloud if perhaps democracy had gone too far. Some even entertained the views of such thinkers as Jason Brennan, who called for an *epistocracy* in which the votes of educated people would be given more weight. The Washington Post, for example, post-Brexit but pre-Trump, assured us that Brennan's *Against Democracy* was an [\"important new book.\"](https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/volokh-conspiracy/wp/2016/09/03/democracy-vs-epistacracy/?utm_term=.1fd95a3af222)\n\nWhat can be said about this, except to note the irony that a paper that adopted the rather ominous slogan, in November 2016, that \"Democracy Dies in Darkness\" should also be on record several months prior that a book calling for the death of democracy \"makes a strong case that the current electorate’s right to rule is not nearly as defensible as we might want to assume\"? One might be forgiven for concluding that the Post's brave defense of democracy against its elected leaders is not entirely sincere. Though, to be fair, the reviewer does meekly opine \"I am skeptical of his proposed solution\" because it is \"impractical.\" So there you have it, epistocracy is *impractical*. Darkness it is, then.\n\nBut that was 2016. Why dredge up reactive thinkpieces from nearly two years ago? Because the issue hasn't gone away. Brennan's epistocracy is getting another hearing, in Italy this time, after the recent electoral success of the euroskeptic Five Star Movement in Italy. Check out [this interview with Brennan](http://www.rivistastudio.com/standard/democrazia-liberale-illiberale/), titled \"The Problem of Illiberal Democracy,\" for an example. Obviously it's time to circle the wagons.\n\nCall me old-fashioned, but I fail to see how liberalism needs defense from democracy. In fact, I fail to see how free citizens could have political liberty without having equal shares in the right to elect their government. Liberalism doesn't need to be defended from democracy, it needs to be defended from bourgeois progressives.\n\nOf course all this commotion was transparently self-absorbed and elitist in 2016, clearly the product of an insular class, but in light of the trends identified by Piketty it's downright cynical. Here we had high-education elites (journalists, i.e. Piketty's Brahmins) using *their* instrument, the media, which is supposed to provide an informative service to the public, to argue that they should be given exclusive privileges in the selection of government. Privileges, that is, in addition to that of informing the public what to think. This apparently would have the benefit of shielding us from the sort of electoral revolts we saw in 2016, in which the uneducated masses inflicted bad decisions on the rest of us. In other words, it would shield the bourgeoisie from the public.\n\nPiketty's analysis shows the gradual capture of the Democratic Party and its counterparts in Britain and France by the high-education demographic, or what Naval Ravikant called [status elites](https://twitter.com/naval/status/962550475034836993). This was a manifestation of a political rift between the wealthy (\"money elites\" according to Ravikant) and the merely educated—a \"multi-elite system.\"\n\nIf the two-party system has been parceled out between two rival elite classes, that means the non-elites have effectively been left without representation and their political priorities—inequality and immigration—sidelined. And indeed, as Piketty points out, there's not a huge divergence between Democrats and Republicans on tax policy, which is at the heart of the redistribution issue.\n\nSo any proposal for something like epistocracy is a bid to enshrine the multi-elite system as a permanent constitutional feature. It would insulate the elites from electoral challenges to their dominance.\n\nThe high-education elite has long held a key didactic role in politics by controlling the nation's universities and mainline journalistic institutions. It works like this: The Brahmins educate the public, the public elects the government, and the government governs. Why not just cut out the middle man and have the Brahmins directly instruct the government?\n \nSuch a system would make the Brahmin-Vaishya analogy even more fitting as it would solidify class and political divisions into a permanent caste system. Indeed, it's telling that the one caste status Piketty neglects to mention is Shudra—the impure low caste of laborers and wage earners, excluded from religious rites (participation in officially sanctioned culture) as well as access to the Sanskrit literary tradition (education). To that we might add another distinction, Kshatriya (whom Piketty wrongly lumps in with the merchants), the warrior caste, which is a good fit for the military and intelligence establishments, a.k.a. the Deep State, also in active resistance to the 2016 Shudra uprising. Now we have a more complete picture of the various power factions in early 21st century American democracy.\n\nNone of this is earth-shattering. The idea that the left as presently constituted is basically a middle-class movement with an agenda that benefits the middle class may be a revelation to the left if they're ever ready to accept it, but it's no revelation to the rest of us. What Piketty shows is some empirical support for the idea—and that this realization is dawning on at least one left-leaning Brahmin intellectual.\n\nI'm planning to write more on this subject, including a post on the bourgeois nature of the social justice movement as well as one on the religious nature of its ostensibly secular ideology and its origins in Protestantism.",
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