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@prisonfreepress

30

Prison Free Press (PFP) is a Non-Profit Organization that publishes 2 free quarterly zines for prisoners, ex-prisoners, their loved ones, & supports in Canada.

steemit.com/@prisonfreepress
VOTING POWER100.00%
DOWNVOTE POWER100.00%
RESOURCE CREDITS100.00%
REPUTATION PROGRESS33.43%
Net Worth
0.095USD
STEEM
0.003STEEM
SBD
0.115SBD
Effective Power
5.001SP
├── Own SP
0.706SP
└── Incoming Deleg
+4.295SP

Detailed Balance

STEEM
balance
0.000STEEM
market_balance
0.000STEEM
savings_balance
0.003STEEM
reward_steem_balance
0.000STEEM
STEEM POWER
Own SP
0.706SP
Delegated Out
0.000SP
Delegation In
4.295SP
Effective Power
5.001SP
Reward SP (pending)
0.000SP
SBD
sbd_balance
0.000SBD
sbd_conversions
0.000SBD
sbd_market_balance
0.000SBD
savings_sbd_balance
0.115SBD
reward_sbd_balance
0.000SBD
{
  "balance": "0.000 STEEM",
  "savings_balance": "0.003 STEEM",
  "reward_steem_balance": "0.000 STEEM",
  "vesting_shares": "1149.567286 VESTS",
  "delegated_vesting_shares": "0.000000 VESTS",
  "received_vesting_shares": "6994.092520 VESTS",
  "sbd_balance": "0.000 SBD",
  "savings_sbd_balance": "0.115 SBD",
  "reward_sbd_balance": "0.000 SBD",
  "conversions": []
}

Account Info

nameprisonfreepress
id336316
rank1,392,971
reputation3914751063
created2017-08-28T17:46:48
recovery_accountsteem
proxyNone
post_count76
comment_count0
lifetime_vote_count0
witnesses_voted_for0
last_post2018-05-29T05:00:48
last_root_post2018-05-29T05:00:48
last_vote_time2018-05-29T05:01:45
proxied_vsf_votes0, 0, 0, 0
can_vote1
voting_power0
delayed_votes0
balance0.000 STEEM
savings_balance0.003 STEEM
sbd_balance0.000 SBD
savings_sbd_balance0.115 SBD
vesting_shares1149.567286 VESTS
delegated_vesting_shares0.000000 VESTS
received_vesting_shares6994.092520 VESTS
reward_vesting_balance0.000000 VESTS
vesting_balance0.000 STEEM
vesting_withdraw_rate0.000000 VESTS
next_vesting_withdrawal1969-12-31T23:59:59
withdrawn0
to_withdraw0
withdraw_routes0
savings_withdraw_requests0
last_account_recovery1970-01-01T00:00:00
reset_accountnull
last_owner_update2017-09-29T06:01:24
last_account_update2018-03-11T03:58:12
minedNo
sbd_seconds0
sbd_last_interest_payment2019-03-16T03:34:00
savings_sbd_last_interest_payment1970-01-01T00:00:00
{
  "id": 336316,
  "name": "prisonfreepress",
  "owner": {
    "weight_threshold": 1,
    "account_auths": [],
    "key_auths": [
      [
        "STM6zZiDv3JVamDcNvqCXp2kLh8vvBm8o7JLMWjHBD4uDjj4wyrew",
        1
      ]
    ]
  },
  "active": {
    "weight_threshold": 1,
    "account_auths": [],
    "key_auths": [
      [
        "STM7pCDdkM8XJ86CoT72SeDChmvFmz67ZcXpCB6LyVVHjgfeSaHNL",
        1
      ]
    ]
  },
  "posting": {
    "weight_threshold": 1,
    "account_auths": [],
    "key_auths": [
      [
        "STM8joVrqVZ8jB7Dntu4DZo2GLyNcZ2hmueTJPVZvXyg6QGijsNmR",
        1
      ]
    ]
  },
  "memo_key": "STM6vSan2d85gvYvdqVeh1UGD1VW9b8ribKzf5MuXQr7Aa3xyD4JR",
  "json_metadata": "{\"profile\":{\"name\":\"Prison Free Press\",\"about\":\"Prison Free Press (PFP) is a Non-Profit Organization that publishes 2 free quarterly zines for prisoners, ex-prisoners, their loved ones, & supports in Canada.\",\"location\":\"Canada\",\"website\":\"http://prisonfreepress.org/\",\"profile_image\":\"http://prisonfreepress.org/prisonfreepress.png\",\"cover_image\":\"http://prisonfreepress.org/prisonfreepress.png\"}}",
  "posting_json_metadata": "{\"profile\":{\"name\":\"Prison Free Press\",\"about\":\"Prison Free Press (PFP) is a Non-Profit Organization that publishes 2 free quarterly zines for prisoners, ex-prisoners, their loved ones, & supports in Canada.\",\"location\":\"Canada\",\"website\":\"http://prisonfreepress.org/\",\"profile_image\":\"http://prisonfreepress.org/prisonfreepress.png\",\"cover_image\":\"http://prisonfreepress.org/prisonfreepress.png\"}}",
  "proxy": "",
  "last_owner_update": "2017-09-29T06:01:24",
  "last_account_update": "2018-03-11T03:58:12",
  "created": "2017-08-28T17:46:48",
  "mined": false,
  "recovery_account": "steem",
  "last_account_recovery": "1970-01-01T00:00:00",
  "reset_account": "null",
  "comment_count": 0,
  "lifetime_vote_count": 0,
  "post_count": 76,
  "can_vote": true,
  "voting_manabar": {
    "current_mana": "8143659806",
    "last_update_time": 1779081342
  },
  "downvote_manabar": {
    "current_mana": 2035914951,
    "last_update_time": 1779081342
  },
  "voting_power": 0,
  "balance": "0.000 STEEM",
  "savings_balance": "0.003 STEEM",
  "sbd_balance": "0.000 SBD",
  "sbd_seconds": "0",
  "sbd_seconds_last_update": "2019-03-16T03:34:00",
  "sbd_last_interest_payment": "2019-03-16T03:34:00",
  "savings_sbd_balance": "0.115 SBD",
  "savings_sbd_seconds": "0",
  "savings_sbd_seconds_last_update": "2019-03-16T03:34:00",
  "savings_sbd_last_interest_payment": "1970-01-01T00:00:00",
  "savings_withdraw_requests": 0,
  "reward_sbd_balance": "0.000 SBD",
  "reward_steem_balance": "0.000 STEEM",
  "reward_vesting_balance": "0.000000 VESTS",
  "reward_vesting_steem": "0.000 STEEM",
  "vesting_shares": "1149.567286 VESTS",
  "delegated_vesting_shares": "0.000000 VESTS",
  "received_vesting_shares": "6994.092520 VESTS",
  "vesting_withdraw_rate": "0.000000 VESTS",
  "next_vesting_withdrawal": "1969-12-31T23:59:59",
  "withdrawn": 0,
  "to_withdraw": 0,
  "withdraw_routes": 0,
  "curation_rewards": 0,
  "posting_rewards": 115,
  "proxied_vsf_votes": [
    0,
    0,
    0,
    0
  ],
  "witnesses_voted_for": 0,
  "last_post": "2018-05-29T05:00:48",
  "last_root_post": "2018-05-29T05:00:48",
  "last_vote_time": "2018-05-29T05:01:45",
  "post_bandwidth": 0,
  "pending_claimed_accounts": 0,
  "vesting_balance": "0.000 STEEM",
  "reputation": 3914751063,
  "transfer_history": [],
  "market_history": [],
  "post_history": [],
  "vote_history": [],
  "other_history": [],
  "witness_votes": [],
  "tags_usage": [],
  "guest_bloggers": [],
  "rank": 1392971
}

Withdraw Routes

IncomingOutgoing
Empty
Empty
{
  "incoming": [],
  "outgoing": []
}
From Date
To Date
steemdelegated 4.295 SP to @prisonfreepress
2026/05/18 05:15:42
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares6994.092520 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #106149431/Trx 1a836e9deda25d1ea075e990902235ed7abb9e17
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "1a836e9deda25d1ea075e990902235ed7abb9e17",
  "block": 106149431,
  "trx_in_block": 0,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2026-05-18T05:15:42",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "6994.092520 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 2.629 SP to @prisonfreepress
2026/05/13 00:10:30
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares4281.882115 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #106000058/Trx 37592414f1be1d1a472150127a5475ddf581ca1c
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "37592414f1be1d1a472150127a5475ddf581ca1c",
  "block": 106000058,
  "trx_in_block": 0,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2026-05-13T00:10:30",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "4281.882115 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 4.303 SP to @prisonfreepress
2026/04/26 04:29:03
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares7006.608276 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #105516946/Trx d7c28920c5e366ebdf1b06a1dab0c3bf9f5ac012
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "d7c28920c5e366ebdf1b06a1dab0c3bf9f5ac012",
  "block": 105516946,
  "trx_in_block": 0,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2026-04-26T04:29:03",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "7006.608276 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 2.655 SP to @prisonfreepress
2026/01/23 21:15:42
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares4323.428934 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #102867936/Trx cc9075c6da747694a29dec3616924408beed90d3
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "cc9075c6da747694a29dec3616924408beed90d3",
  "block": 102867936,
  "trx_in_block": 7,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2026-01-23T21:15:42",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "4323.428934 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 2.756 SP to @prisonfreepress
2024/12/17 16:26:45
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares4487.648131 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #91314170/Trx b6416b3d4ef08cd025d0e80325d575981cabcba2
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "b6416b3d4ef08cd025d0e80325d575981cabcba2",
  "block": 91314170,
  "trx_in_block": 3,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2024-12-17T16:26:45",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "4487.648131 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 2.860 SP to @prisonfreepress
2023/11/14 08:08:06
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares4656.781663 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #79868329/Trx 6f4ece4cca5110d51e918b515096f57be71553e2
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "6f4ece4cca5110d51e918b515096f57be71553e2",
  "block": 79868329,
  "trx_in_block": 4,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2023-11-14T08:08:06",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "4656.781663 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 4.663 SP to @prisonfreepress
2023/09/22 09:10:12
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares7593.690449 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #78361405/Trx 823d7c6a2bbe758e22a784ccd14f7d14bcf12040
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "823d7c6a2bbe758e22a784ccd14f7d14bcf12040",
  "block": 78361405,
  "trx_in_block": 0,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2023-09-22T09:10:12",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "7593.690449 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 4.800 SP to @prisonfreepress
2022/11/03 16:47:30
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares7815.741887 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #69119340/Trx 408c24cddae0e9104f5e31398ebc0a01625d78f8
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "408c24cddae0e9104f5e31398ebc0a01625d78f8",
  "block": 69119340,
  "trx_in_block": 4,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2022-11-03T16:47:30",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "7815.741887 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 4.935 SP to @prisonfreepress
2022/01/17 22:06:00
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares8035.849488 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #60822715/Trx f1238a047f00f3cc322cbf4f197ff7b1ebb58fd8
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "f1238a047f00f3cc322cbf4f197ff7b1ebb58fd8",
  "block": 60822715,
  "trx_in_block": 97,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2022-01-17T22:06:00",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "8035.849488 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 5.048 SP to @prisonfreepress
2021/06/14 05:19:27
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares8220.043776 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #54613097/Trx f95f9264925d2a7399fd7b78ec074593267c819c
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "f95f9264925d2a7399fd7b78ec074593267c819c",
  "block": 54613097,
  "trx_in_block": 0,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2021-06-14T05:19:27",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "8220.043776 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 5.163 SP to @prisonfreepress
2020/12/11 15:32:33
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares8407.465750 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #49360389/Trx 89d70397d9afc5f2bc6f0d5b50e494af2fa23b28
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "89d70397d9afc5f2bc6f0d5b50e494af2fa23b28",
  "block": 49360389,
  "trx_in_block": 2,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2020-12-11T15:32:33",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "8407.465750 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 1.174 SP to @prisonfreepress
2020/12/06 09:08:39
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares1912.543513 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #49211918/Trx 85d17c3c8ad531ea39ca33862a148930d04a6641
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "85d17c3c8ad531ea39ca33862a148930d04a6641",
  "block": 49211918,
  "trx_in_block": 5,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2020-12-06T09:08:39",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "1912.543513 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 5.167 SP to @prisonfreepress
2020/12/05 19:10:27
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares8413.673604 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #49195472/Trx b7bfef4dc796a43d81b958edee22b8acd6a952bb
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "b7bfef4dc796a43d81b958edee22b8acd6a952bb",
  "block": 49195472,
  "trx_in_block": 1,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2020-12-05T19:10:27",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "8413.673604 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 1.179 SP to @prisonfreepress
2020/11/03 00:47:30
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares1920.017158 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #48268580/Trx d4fbcd5b1aa6a6745887688f2a4eb3e5915966a1
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "d4fbcd5b1aa6a6745887688f2a4eb3e5915966a1",
  "block": 48268580,
  "trx_in_block": 1,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2020-11-03T00:47:30",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "1920.017158 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 5.291 SP to @prisonfreepress
2020/05/09 10:10:39
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares8616.478963 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #43222234/Trx 9c5ca1311b93627666095ccdb2a36c1a433fb2af
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "9c5ca1311b93627666095ccdb2a36c1a433fb2af",
  "block": 43222234,
  "trx_in_block": 10,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2020-05-09T10:10:39",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "8616.478963 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 1.200 SP to @prisonfreepress
2020/05/08 14:26:51
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares1953.311140 VESTS
Transaction InfoBlock #43199116/Trx c82d07fdf2fd1a7aec314315c42072b3131a84c2
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "c82d07fdf2fd1a7aec314315c42072b3131a84c2",
  "block": 43199116,
  "trx_in_block": 17,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2020-05-08T14:26:51",
  "op": [
    "delegate_vesting_shares",
    {
      "delegator": "steem",
      "delegatee": "prisonfreepress",
      "vesting_shares": "1953.311140 VESTS"
    }
  ]
}
2019/08/28 19:42:06
parent authorprisonfreepress
parent permlinkpleading-guilty-when-innocent-a-truth-for-too-many-indigenous-people
authorsteemitboard
permlinksteemitboard-notify-prisonfreepress-20190828t194205000z
title
bodyCongratulations @prisonfreepress! You received a personal award! <table><tr><td>https://steemitimages.com/70x70/http://steemitboard.com/@prisonfreepress/birthday2.png</td><td>Happy Birthday! - You are on the Steem blockchain for 2 years!</td></tr></table> <sub>_You can view [your badges on your Steem Board](https://steemitboard.com/@prisonfreepress) and compare to others on the [Steem Ranking](https://steemitboard.com/ranking/index.php?name=prisonfreepress)_</sub> ###### [Vote for @Steemitboard as a witness](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=steemitboard&approve=1) to get one more award and increased upvotes!
json metadata{"image":["https://steemitboard.com/img/notify.png"]}
Transaction InfoBlock #35951361/Trx 2704b9e6de26aea5eb6c576d842fe5210db15dff
View Raw JSON Data
{
  "trx_id": "2704b9e6de26aea5eb6c576d842fe5210db15dff",
  "block": 35951361,
  "trx_in_block": 11,
  "op_in_trx": 0,
  "virtual_op": 0,
  "timestamp": "2019-08-28T19:42:06",
  "op": [
    "comment",
    {
      "parent_author": "prisonfreepress",
      "parent_permlink": "pleading-guilty-when-innocent-a-truth-for-too-many-indigenous-people",
      "author": "steemitboard",
      "permlink": "steemitboard-notify-prisonfreepress-20190828t194205000z",
      "title": "",
      "body": "Congratulations @prisonfreepress! You received a personal award!\n\n<table><tr><td>https://steemitimages.com/70x70/http://steemitboard.com/@prisonfreepress/birthday2.png</td><td>Happy Birthday! - You are on the Steem blockchain for 2 years!</td></tr></table>\n\n<sub>_You can view [your badges on your Steem Board](https://steemitboard.com/@prisonfreepress) and compare to others on the [Steem Ranking](https://steemitboard.com/ranking/index.php?name=prisonfreepress)_</sub>\n\n\n###### [Vote for @Steemitboard as a witness](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=steemitboard&approve=1) to get one more award and increased upvotes!",
      "json_metadata": "{\"image\":[\"https://steemitboard.com/img/notify.png\"]}"
    }
  ]
}
steemdelegated 5.386 SP to @prisonfreepress
2019/08/12 15:11:12
delegatorsteem
delegateeprisonfreepress
vesting shares8770.854337 VESTS
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2019/03/16 03:34:00
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2019/03/16 03:32:54
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2018/08/28 19:59:57
parent authorprisonfreepress
parent permlinkpleading-guilty-when-innocent-a-truth-for-too-many-indigenous-people
authorsteemitboard
permlinksteemitboard-notify-prisonfreepress-20180828t195956000z
title
bodyCongratulations @prisonfreepress! You have received a personal award! [![](https://steemitimages.com/70x70/http://steemitboard.com/@prisonfreepress/birthday1.png)](http://steemitboard.com/@prisonfreepress) 1 Year on Steemit <sub>_Click on the badge to view your Board of Honor._</sub> > Do you like [SteemitBoard's project](https://steemit.com/@steemitboard)? Then **[Vote for its witness](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=steemitboard&approve=1)** and **get one more award**!
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steemdelegated 5.508 SP to @prisonfreepress
2018/08/28 05:58:09
delegatorsteem
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steemdelegated 17.943 SP to @prisonfreepress
2018/08/21 06:53:24
delegatorsteem
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2018/05/30 01:38:36
parent authorprisonfreepress
parent permlinkpleading-guilty-when-innocent-a-truth-for-too-many-indigenous-people
authorcheetah
permlinkcheetah-re-prisonfreepresspleading-guilty-when-innocent-a-truth-for-too-many-indigenous-people
title
bodyHi! I am a robot. I just upvoted you! I found similar content that readers might be interested in: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-pleading-guilty-when-innocent-a-truth-for-too-many-indigenous-people/
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2018/05/30 01:38:18
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2018/05/29 05:31:21
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2018/05/29 05:01:45
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2018/05/29 05:00:48
parent author
parent permlinkcanada-prison
authorprisonfreepress
permlinkpleading-guilty-when-innocent-a-truth-for-too-many-indigenous-people
titlePleading guilty when innocent: A truth for too many Indigenous people
bodyEvery day innocent people – a disproportionate number of them First Nations, Inuit and Métis people – plead guilty to crimes they did not commit (and sometimes crimes that did not happen). ![plea_agreement.png](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmRKH9oAJcFJ2tdCkxRzUpAX7Ueytu6iR2PrGfFU43TcGR/plea_agreement.png) A lucky few receive a remedy, but typically only after hundreds of hours of pro bono work and court time are spent fixing the problem. This is compounded by the money spent incarcerating the innocent and the harm that may be caused by the truly guilty party who has gone free. On May 10, the Manitoba Court of Appeal overturned the wrongful conviction of Richard Joseph Catcheway, a member of the Skownan First Nation. In a judgment of fewer than 500 words, the justices allowed Mr. Catcheway to withdraw a guilty plea to being unlawfully in a dwelling house in Winnipeg. In general, one cannot simply change their mind after pleading guilty. Courts of appeal can allow this but, as in Mr. Catcheway’s case, new evidence is often necessary. The new evidence in this case was startling. Mr. Catcheway was in custody at the Brandon Correctional Centre at the time he was said to have committed the offence in Winnipeg. In other words, he was imprisoned 200 kilometres away when the crime occurred. To the credit of the defence counsel on the appeal, the prosecution service and the Court of Appeal, Mr. Catcheway’s wrongful conviction was corrected in about a half a year – practically lightning speed for the criminal-justice system. However, the acquittal came only after Mr. Catcheway received a sentence of six months’ presentence custody, one day-court appearance and 18 months of supervised probation. With enhanced credit for presentence detention, Mr. Catcheway served four months for this offence. Based on 2015-16 statistics from the province of Manitoba, the incarceration alone cost taxpayers upward of $24,000, not to mention the police, legal aid, prosecutorial and judicial resources the case likely consumed. So how did the justice system allow this to happen? While I have no insight into why Mr. Catcheway pleaded guilty in this instance, there are plenty of reasons why anyone – and in particular Indigenous people – would plead despite their innocence. Indigenous people are often, and disproportionately, denied bail. Mr. Catcheway was denied bail in this case. Where the length of time one would spend in custody awaiting trial is longer than the sentence that would be handed down on a plea, pleading guilty despite innocence is arguably a rational choice. Indigenous people – like many others who are caught up in the justice system – may not understand what is happening to them or what their options are, even when they speak English fluently. It is sadly common for defence lawyers to start their often-too-brief client conversations with the deal available on a plea, before asking the client for their side of the story. These are just a few of the many ways Indigenous people and other vulnerable groups are pressured into pleading when innocent. Governments have long known about the dirty secret of plea bargaining and false guilty pleas. This was a major reason why the national Indigenous Courtwork Program was started in the late 1970s. In late March, 2018, the federal government introduced Bill C-75, which would amend section 606 of the Criminal Code. While this controversial bill has received a lot of media attention for its promise to eliminate peremptory challenges, few have focused on the changes proposed to the guilty-plea process. Clause 270 of Bill C-75 would, for the first time, require courts to ensure that the facts of the case support the charge. This is a requirement contained in the Youth Criminal Justice Act but, to this point, the legislature has not found it necessary that a judge or justice of the peace receiving a guilty plea be satisfied that the facts support the charge. This is a welcome change, and something I have advocated for in the past, but there is plenty of reason to believe it is not enough. It might not have prevented Mr. Catcheway’s false guilty plea. A failure by a trial judge to determine whether there was a factual basis for the plea would, under Bill C-75, not affect the validity of the plea. There is a danger that judges will continue routinely to accept guilty pleas without a searching inquiry. This means that innocent people, and especially Indigenous and others who are disproportionately denied bail and under-represented by their defence lawyers, will continue to make rational decisions to cut their losses and plead guilty. Most will not be as lucky as Mr. Catcheway in having their wrongful convictions remedied in a matter of months. For most, relief from such injustices will come only years after the event or, more often, not at all. Amanda Carling Globe and Mail May 23, 2018
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      "body": "Every day innocent people – a disproportionate number of them First Nations, Inuit and Métis people – plead guilty to crimes they did not commit (and sometimes crimes that did not happen).\n![plea_agreement.png](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmRKH9oAJcFJ2tdCkxRzUpAX7Ueytu6iR2PrGfFU43TcGR/plea_agreement.png)\nA lucky few receive a remedy, but typically only after hundreds of hours of pro bono work and court time are spent fixing the problem. This is compounded by the money spent incarcerating the innocent and the harm that may be caused by the truly guilty party who has gone free.\nOn May 10, the Manitoba Court of Appeal overturned the wrongful conviction of Richard Joseph Catcheway, a member of the Skownan First Nation. In a judgment of fewer than 500 words, the justices allowed Mr. Catcheway to withdraw a guilty plea to being unlawfully in a dwelling house in Winnipeg. \nIn general, one cannot simply change their mind after pleading guilty. Courts of appeal can allow this but, as in Mr. Catcheway’s case, new evidence is often necessary.\nThe new evidence in this case was startling. Mr. Catcheway was in custody at the Brandon Correctional Centre at the time he was said to have committed the offence in Winnipeg. In other words, he was imprisoned 200 kilometres away when the crime occurred.\nTo the credit of the defence counsel on the appeal, the prosecution service and the Court of Appeal, Mr. Catcheway’s wrongful conviction was corrected in about a half a year – practically lightning speed for the criminal-justice system.\nHowever, the acquittal came only after Mr. Catcheway received a sentence of six months’ presentence custody, one day-court appearance and 18 months of supervised probation. With enhanced credit for presentence detention, Mr. Catcheway served four months for this offence. Based on 2015-16 statistics from the province of Manitoba, the incarceration alone cost taxpayers upward of $24,000, not to mention the police, legal aid, prosecutorial and judicial resources the case likely consumed. So how did the justice system allow this to happen?\nWhile I have no insight into why Mr. Catcheway pleaded guilty in this instance, there are plenty of reasons why anyone – and in particular Indigenous people – would plead despite their innocence. Indigenous people are often, and disproportionately, denied bail. Mr. Catcheway was denied bail in this case. Where the length of time one would spend in custody awaiting trial is longer than the sentence that would be handed down on a plea, pleading guilty despite innocence is arguably a rational choice. \nIndigenous people – like many others who are caught up in the justice system – may not understand what is happening to them or what their options are, even when they speak English fluently. \nIt is sadly common for defence lawyers to start their often-too-brief client conversations with the deal available on a plea, before asking the client for their side of the story. These are just a few of the many ways Indigenous people and other vulnerable groups are pressured into pleading when innocent.\nGovernments have long known about the dirty secret of plea bargaining and false guilty pleas. This was a major reason why the national Indigenous Courtwork Program was started in the late 1970s. \nIn late March, 2018, the federal government introduced Bill C-75, which would amend section 606 of the Criminal Code. While this controversial bill has received a lot of media attention for its promise to eliminate peremptory challenges, few have focused on the changes proposed to the guilty-plea process. \nClause 270 of Bill C-75 would, for the first time, require courts to ensure that the facts of the case support the charge. This is a requirement contained in the Youth Criminal Justice Act but, to this point, the legislature has not found it necessary that a judge or justice of the peace receiving a guilty plea be satisfied that the facts support the charge. \nThis is a welcome change, and something I have advocated for in the past, but there is plenty of reason to believe it is not enough. It might not have prevented Mr. Catcheway’s false guilty plea.\nA failure by a trial judge to determine whether there was a factual basis for the plea would, under Bill C-75, not affect the validity of the plea. \nThere is a danger that judges will continue routinely to accept guilty pleas without a searching inquiry. This means that innocent people, and especially Indigenous and others who are disproportionately denied bail and under-represented by their defence lawyers, will continue to make rational decisions to cut their losses and plead guilty.\nMost will not be as lucky as Mr. Catcheway in having their wrongful convictions remedied in a matter of months. For most, relief from such injustices will come only years after the event or, more often, not at all.\n\nAmanda Carling\nGlobe and Mail \nMay 23, 2018",
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2018/05/20 04:24:30
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2018/05/20 04:06:15
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2018/05/20 04:05:45
parent authorprisonfreepress
parent permlinka-tough-on-drugs-stance-in-the-canadian-prison-system-harms-prisoners
authorcheetah
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title
bodyHi! I am a robot. I just upvoted you! I found similar content that readers might be interested in: https://www.thestar.com/opinion/star-columnists/2018/05/16/a-tough-on-drugs-stance-in-the-canadian-prison-system-harms-prisoners.html
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2018/05/20 04:05:39
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2018/05/20 04:05:30
parent author
parent permlinkcanada-prison
authorprisonfreepress
permlinka-tough-on-drugs-stance-in-the-canadian-prison-system-harms-prisoners
titleA tough-on-drugs stance in the Canadian prison system harms prisoners
bodyA new pilot program in two Canadian prisons is a sign that our prisons can change. ![needles-bars.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmZ7fydEQdPshZL1PdVhrCMrPSYH9kVZCZdCyJ4JJXv2Ar/needles-bars.jpg) The department responsible for our federal prison system, Correctional Service Canada, announced this week that it will launch a pilot program for needle exchanges. A wider program is set to launch in January 2019. Groups like the Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network applauded the move. On the other side, the union representing correctional officers decried the program. They said in a statement, “Correctional Service Canada has decided to close its eyes to drug trafficking in our institutions.” In fact, it is the opposite. A tough-on-drugs stance in the prison system harms prisoners and any other rehabilitative efforts. A Correctional Service memo obtained by The Canadian Press in February told the Liberal government that “a program to provide clean drug-injection needles to prisoners could reduce the spread of hepatitis C by 18 per cent a year.” The memo also noted that a safe tattooing program that ran for two years was viewed positively by both inmates and staff alike. That program was cut by the Conservative government in 2007. That government’s hostile approach to drug users led to the creation of Bill C-12, the “Drug-Free Prisons” act. At the time, Howard Sapers, then-correction investigator, described the proposed act as “not about making federal prisons drug-free or treating substance abuse. It is about punishing illicit drug use in prison.” When it comes to drug use, experts have largely concluded that a public-health approach is the best way to go. This type of thinking is behind the push to decriminalize marijuana and to provide safe injection sites. By serving the needs of drug users in an open way, we can not only lower the use of drugs but also crime rates related to drugs. Our societies become healthier by treating, not punishing people for their problems. “I think that everyone, whether you’re inside or outside of a prison, should have access to very basic health,” said Dr. Emily van der Meulen, an expert in needle exchange programs. The rates of Hepatitis C and HIV in prisons have dropped over the last decade. Nonetheless, HIV rates in the prison population are six times those of the wider population. In 2016, Dr. van der Meulen was part of a team that studied the issues and came up with several recommendations. Centring the experience and advice of prisoners themselves, they found, was necessary for any needle exchange program to work. Says Dr. van der Meulen: “If you don’t consult prisoners, if you don’t work with prisoners, if you don’t actually include them in the development of these programs, you’re going to have all sorts of problems with the program.” One key lesson their study came away with “across the board,” she said, was that confidentiality is paramount. I also spoke to Rebecca Jesseman, policy director at the Canadian Centre on Substance Abuse, who cautioned that if prisoners have to apply to access the pilot program, they might not. A lot of inmates, she said, don’t want to be stigmatized for being a drug user, especially by prison staff. People held in prisons are right to be concerned about the impact of admitting drug use to prison staff. Former corrections guards have described harassment and abuse towards one another and toward inmates themselves. Clearly, there is an immense power imbalance that puts drug users at a massive disadvantage. We have allowed our prisons to become storehouses for the problems we choose not to fix: poverty, violence against women, mental health and drug addictions. The people behind bars are also a reflection of who is left out: Black people, Indigenous people, people with mental health and drug issues. A needle exchange program can’t fix that. But it should be read as the start of a change in our prisons, one that doesn’t punish drug users for needing drugs. It is a change needed outside the prison walls and well within them. Vicky Mochama Toronto Star May 16, 2018
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      "title": "A tough-on-drugs stance in the Canadian prison system harms prisoners",
      "body": "A new pilot program in two Canadian prisons is a sign that our prisons can change. \n![needles-bars.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmZ7fydEQdPshZL1PdVhrCMrPSYH9kVZCZdCyJ4JJXv2Ar/needles-bars.jpg)\nThe department responsible for our federal prison system, Correctional Service Canada, announced this week that it will launch a pilot program for needle exchanges. A wider program is set to launch in January 2019.\nGroups like the Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network applauded the move. On the other side, the union representing correctional officers decried the program. They said in a statement, “Correctional Service Canada has decided to close its eyes to drug trafficking in our institutions.” \nIn fact, it is the opposite. A tough-on-drugs stance in the prison system harms prisoners and any other rehabilitative efforts.\nA Correctional Service memo obtained by The Canadian Press in February told the Liberal government that “a program to provide clean drug-injection needles to prisoners could reduce the spread of hepatitis C by 18 per cent a year.” The memo also noted that a safe tattooing program that ran for two years was viewed positively by both inmates and staff alike. That program was cut by the Conservative government in 2007. \nThat government’s hostile approach to drug users led to the creation of Bill C-12, the “Drug-Free Prisons” act. At the time, Howard Sapers, then-correction investigator, described the proposed act as “not about making federal prisons drug-free or treating substance abuse. It is about punishing illicit drug use in prison.”\nWhen it comes to drug use, experts have largely concluded that a public-health approach is the best way to go. This type of thinking is behind the push to decriminalize marijuana and to provide safe injection sites. By serving the needs of drug users in an open way, we can not only lower the use of drugs but also crime rates related to drugs. Our societies become healthier by treating, not punishing people for their problems.\n“I think that everyone, whether you’re inside or outside of a prison, should have access to very basic health,” said Dr. Emily van der Meulen, an expert in needle exchange programs.\nThe rates of Hepatitis C and HIV in prisons have dropped over the last decade. Nonetheless, HIV rates in the prison population are six times those of the wider population.\nIn 2016, Dr. van der Meulen was part of a team that studied the issues and came up with several recommendations. \nCentring the experience and advice of prisoners themselves, they found, was necessary for any needle exchange program to work. Says Dr. van der Meulen: “If you don’t consult prisoners, if you don’t work with prisoners, if you don’t actually include them in the development of these programs, you’re going to have all sorts of problems with the program.” \nOne key lesson their study came away with “across the board,” she said, was that confidentiality is paramount.\nI also spoke to Rebecca Jesseman, policy director at the Canadian Centre on Substance Abuse, who cautioned that if prisoners have to apply to access the pilot program, they might not. A lot of inmates, she said, don’t want to be stigmatized for being a drug user, especially by prison staff. \nPeople held in prisons are right to be concerned about the impact of admitting drug use to prison staff. Former corrections guards have described harassment and abuse towards one another and toward inmates themselves. \nClearly, there is an immense power imbalance that puts drug users at a massive disadvantage. \nWe have allowed our prisons to become storehouses for the problems we choose not to fix: poverty, violence against women, mental health and drug addictions. The people behind bars are also a reflection of who is left out: Black people, Indigenous people, people with mental health and drug issues. \nA needle exchange program can’t fix that. But it should be read as the start of a change in our prisons, one that doesn’t punish drug users for needing drugs. It is a change needed outside the prison walls and well within them.\n\nVicky Mochama\nToronto Star\nMay 16, 2018",
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2018/05/18 06:12:18
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2018/05/18 05:40:48
voterprisonfreepress
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2018/05/18 05:40:39
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authorprisonfreepress
permlinkhe-died-after-guards-beat-and-pepper-sprayed-him-according-to-video-the-province-refuses-to-release-the-footage-citing-labour
titleHe died after guards beat and pepper-sprayed him, according to video. The province refuses to release the footage, citing labour relations
bodyOntario’s Ministry of Community Safety and Correctional Services is keeping secret the video detailing the last moments of a man who died in solitary confinement at a Lindsay jail after a three-hour confrontation with guards. ![faqiri.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmanP8qsKxgrJoYknzLz9AGyAaiZvLm2WtbiQhxSPwWYHJ/faqiri.jpg) The family of Soleiman Faqiri, a 30-year-old mentally ill man who died in the Central East Correctional Centre on Dec. 15, 2016, and the Star separately submitted freedom of information requests for video of the events leading to his death. Both requests were denied under Section 65 (6) of Ontario’s privacy law, which refers to labour relations. Two privacy law experts told the Star the use of that section is unclear and may be a broad interpretation meant to protect the correctional officers who appear in the video. Several other experts said the denial is part of a trend of secrecy at the ministry. Faqiri, who had schizophrenia, died after guards at the provincial facility pepper-sprayed and beat him after he refused to get out of the shower, according to a 2017 internal report by the Kawartha Lakes Police Service that refers to surveillance video. The report, which was obtained by the Star in February, describes how officers forced handcuffs and leg shackles on Faqiri as they returned him to a segregation cell. Video then shows 20 to 30 officers entering his cell, the report says. Faqiri was in jail awaiting a mental health assessment. A 2017 coroner’s report found the cause of his death to be “unascertained.” The Kawartha Lakes police investigation found “no grounds exists to process criminal charges against anyone who was involved with (Faqiri) prior to his death.” “It feels like keeping us in the dark has become more important than finding out what happened to my brother,” Yusuf Faqiri, Soleiman’s older brother, told the Star on Monday. “It means more sleepless nights for my family.” Section 65 (6) of the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act refers to records “collected, prepared, maintained or used by or on behalf of a ministry or agency in relation to” either: • “Proceedings or anticipated proceedings before a court, tribunal or other entity relating to labour relations or to the employment of a person by the institution.” • “Negotiations or anticipated negotiations relating to labour relations or to the employment of a person by the institution between the institution and a person, bargaining agent or party to a proceeding or an anticipated proceeding.” • “Meetings, consultations, discussions or communications about labour relations or employment-related matters in which the institution has an interest.” Last week, both the ministry and the Lindsay jail guards’ union refused to say if a labour relations matter was underway. “It would be inappropriate for the ministry to provide comment due to the confidential human resources matters involved,” Brent Ross, a ministry spokesperson, wrote in an email to the Star. “I will not be commenting,” said Chris Butsh, president of Local 368. Ryder Gilliland, a Toronto litigation lawyer with an expertise in privacy law, said the denial is “a misuse” of Section 65 (6) because the video was created independent of any labour issue. “If you’re creating records for a labour relations matter then it would be properly invoked, but to say any record that exists ends up being part of the matter is an overly broad interpretation,” he said. Mark Hayes, a privacy lawyer, told the Star that the lack of clarity in the letter is the red flag. “All we know is they’re claiming these three sections, which can be applied to a very wide variety of labour actions.” “One has to wonder if there’s not a level of secrecy if red tape is being thrown up so easily,” Shane Martinez, a human rights lawyer, said. Martinez, who frequently sees his requests for records denied, said secrecy is “part of the ministry’s MO.” “It makes it so difficult for families to get answers for loved ones who have died in jails.” Andrew Langille, a Toronto employment lawyer familiar with privacy law, agrees. The use of labour relations exemptions “is concerning because of vast potential to cover up serious misconduct in Ontario jails,” he said. Mustafa Sheikh, a Toronto criminal defence lawyer, has been denied access to video relating to altercations between officers and his clients at least five times in the past two years. Correctional centres are under 24-hour surveillance, he noted, with cameras posted in most areas of the jail. Video, Sheikh said, “provides an unbiased perspective of what actually happened.” “No one ‘wants’ to see the violence likely contained within that footage,” Fathima Cader, a Toronto labour lawyer, said, “but Soleiman’s family loved him, and they are entitled to see how he was treated in the last minutes of his life.” The Faqiri family and their lawyers, Nader Hasan and Edward Marrocco, say they are dismayed and angry they can’t get an answer to their only question: “Why?” The family waited almost a year to see the results of the police investigation. Their previous request to see records of the investigation was also denied. They are still waiting on the findings of an ongoing coroner’s inquest. “There has been enough waiting,” Hasan said. “All we’re asking for is for transparency and accountability.” Marrocco added that the ministry’s response to the freedom of information request makes it clear that there is an inconsistency to what the police found seven months ago. “It looks like the ministry has investigated for a few months and found enough to take action against the guards involved in Soleiman’s death,” he said. “The only thing remaining is to release the ministry’s investigative findings so the truth can finally come out.” What happened to Soleiman Faqiri Faqiri was arrested on Dec. 4, 2016, for charges of aggravated assault, assault and uttering threats. He did not have a criminal record, according to the Kawartha Lakes police internal investigation obtained by the Star in February, but had been apprehended by the Durham Regional Police Service approximately 10 times over the past 10 years using their authority under the Mental Health Act. In the course of the five days Faqiri spent in segregation at the Central East Correctional Centre, according to the report, he refused to wear anything besides his underwear, and he repeatedly covered himself in his own urine and feces. He was seeing a ministry psychiatrist, but refused to take his medication. (According to the report, Faqiri had a history of non-compliance with his prescribed medications.) On Dec. 6, Faqiri was moved to a segregation cell “due to concerns for his safety, the safety of other inmates, and the safety of (jail) staff,” said the report. On Dec. 12, Faqiri appeared in court via video. A mental health nurse told the court Faqiri wasn’t speaking to anyone, refusing his medicine, not eating properly, and lying on the floor, making no eye contact. A justice ruled that Faqiri be assessed by a mental health facility in Whitby. At 1 p.m. on Dec. 15, Faqiri was taken out of his cell by three officers and a health-care manager; he was covered in his own urine and feces. Faqiri was handcuffed, covered in blankets and escorted in a wheelchair to a shower down the hall from his cell. The wheelchair was used for hygienic reasons. At 1:15 p.m., Faqiri entered the shower area; his handcuffs were removed. He was in the shower for an hour and a half, and, according to the report, he refused, on four occasions, to leave. What happens next wasn’t entirely captured on video — for the privacy of the inmates, there are no cameras in the cells or showers. Faqiri’s final hours are based on investigators’ interviews with officers involved, witnesses and forensic evidence. During his shower, the report notes Faqiri was squirting water and shampoo at the correctional officers through the window of the barred shower door. Unable to make him stop, officers called their supervisors requesting the assistance of the Institutional Crisis Intervention Team — a group of officers that calm any disturbances caused by inmates Requests for a crisis team to assist were denied and correctional officers were advised to manage Faqiri themselves. At 1:45 p.m., a welding shield — a clear plastic free-standing shield — was placed just outside the shower door to protect the officers in the area where Faqiri was throwing water and shampoo. The jail’s superintendent called Faqiri’s psychiatrist to assist, who came and offered him snacks — crackers and peanut butter. This calmed Faqiri down. Around 2:50 p.m., the supervising officer was able to handcuff Faqiri through the shower door. Five officers walked Faqiri back to his cell. The report states he began to display aggressive behaviour when a sixth officer, who had no previous history with Faqiri, joined them. Faqiri began to resist, said the report, spitting at the guards, while still in the hallway. A guard used pepper spray on him as they reached his cell. Faqiri was pulled and pushed into the cell by all six officers. He continued to display “aggressive and assaultive behaviour,” said the report. An officer delivered a knee strike; another forced his right lower leg on his back. The struggle lasted for over 10 minutes, said the report. Faqiri tried to hit the officers with his hands, which were still handcuffed, and also spat at and bit them. As Faqiri repeatedly tried to get up, officers delivered strikes to his body to keep him grounded, “where they can better gain control of him,” said the report. Pepper spray was used again. A “code blue” was called, indicating officers needed help, and 20 to 30 officers came to the cell area. According to corrections ministry policy, when a “code blue” is called, all officers who can attend are told to go and assist. These new officers started to “tap out” the officers “who were exhausting themselves in the struggle,” the report says. Faqiri’s mental health began to improve, the report says, and the officers slowly backed out of the cell. At this point, he was lying on his stomach with his hands up above his head, still handcuffed. The supervising officer told Faqiri that his handcuffs were going to be removed and he would be re-handcuffed with his hands behind him. Faqiri, said the report, responded to this instruction. A short time later officers looked into the cell window and observed Soleiman was “possibly not breathing,” the report says. The officers entered the cells and removed the handcuffs and began CPR. Nurses soon arrived with a defibrillator. At 3:14 p.m., paramedics were called by a nurse, who said “there’s nurses everywhere, officers and vital signs absent.” According to the transcript of the 911 call, the nurse said they were still performing CPR on Faqiri. According to a homicide/sudden death report, Faqiri was dead by the time paramedics arrived. Members of the City of Kawartha Lakes Police Service were notified of the death “almost immediately,” at 3:45 p.m. Faqiri’s family was informed that night. Fatima Syed Toronto Star May 14, 2018
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      "permlink": "he-died-after-guards-beat-and-pepper-sprayed-him-according-to-video-the-province-refuses-to-release-the-footage-citing-labour",
      "title": "He died after guards beat and pepper-sprayed him, according to video.  The province refuses to release the footage, citing labour relations",
      "body": "Ontario’s Ministry of Community Safety and Correctional Services is keeping secret the video detailing the last moments of a man who died in solitary confinement at a Lindsay jail after a three-hour confrontation with guards.\n![faqiri.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmanP8qsKxgrJoYknzLz9AGyAaiZvLm2WtbiQhxSPwWYHJ/faqiri.jpg)\nThe family of Soleiman Faqiri, a 30-year-old mentally ill man who died in the Central East Correctional Centre on Dec. 15, 2016, and the Star separately submitted freedom of information requests for video of the events leading to his death. Both requests were denied under Section 65 (6) of Ontario’s privacy law, which refers to labour relations. \nTwo privacy law experts told the Star the use of that section is unclear and may be a broad interpretation meant to protect the correctional officers who appear in the video.\nSeveral other experts said the denial is part of a trend of secrecy at the ministry. \nFaqiri, who had schizophrenia, died after guards at the provincial facility pepper-sprayed and beat him after he refused to get out of the shower, according to a 2017 internal report by the Kawartha Lakes Police Service that refers to surveillance video. The report, which was obtained by the Star in February, describes how officers forced handcuffs and leg shackles on Faqiri as they returned him to a segregation cell. Video then shows 20 to 30 officers entering his cell, the report says. \nFaqiri was in jail awaiting a mental health assessment. A 2017 coroner’s report found the cause of his death to be “unascertained.”\nThe Kawartha Lakes police investigation found “no grounds exists to process criminal charges against anyone who was involved with (Faqiri) prior to his death.”\n“It feels like keeping us in the dark has become more important than finding out what happened to my brother,” Yusuf Faqiri, Soleiman’s older brother, told the Star on Monday. “It means more sleepless nights for my family.”\nSection 65 (6) of the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act refers to records “collected, prepared, maintained or used by or on behalf of a ministry or agency in relation to” either: \n•\t“Proceedings or anticipated proceedings before a court, tribunal or other entity relating to labour relations or to the employment of a person by the institution.” \n•\t“Negotiations or anticipated negotiations relating to labour relations or to the employment of a person by the institution between the institution and a person, bargaining agent or party to a proceeding or an anticipated proceeding.”\n•\t“Meetings, consultations, discussions or communications about labour relations or employment-related matters in which the institution has an interest.” \n\nLast week, both the ministry and the Lindsay jail guards’ union refused to say if a labour relations matter was underway.\n“It would be inappropriate for the ministry to provide comment due to the confidential human resources matters involved,” Brent Ross, a ministry spokesperson, wrote in an email to the Star.\n“I will not be commenting,” said Chris Butsh, president of Local 368.\nRyder Gilliland, a Toronto litigation lawyer with an expertise in privacy law, said the denial is “a misuse” of Section 65 (6) because the video was created independent of any labour issue. “If you’re creating records for a labour relations matter then it would be properly invoked, but to say any record that exists ends up being part of the matter is an overly broad interpretation,” he said.\nMark Hayes, a privacy lawyer, told the Star that the lack of clarity in the letter is the red flag. “All we know is they’re claiming these three sections, which can be applied to a very wide variety of labour actions.”\n“One has to wonder if there’s not a level of secrecy if red tape is being thrown up so easily,” Shane Martinez, a human rights lawyer, said. Martinez, who frequently sees his requests for records denied, said secrecy is “part of the ministry’s MO.” \n“It makes it so difficult for families to get answers for loved ones who have died in jails.” \nAndrew Langille, a Toronto employment lawyer familiar with privacy law, agrees. The use of labour relations exemptions “is concerning because of vast potential to cover up serious misconduct in Ontario jails,” he said.\nMustafa Sheikh, a Toronto criminal defence lawyer, has been denied access to video relating to altercations between officers and his clients at least five times in the past two years. Correctional centres are under 24-hour surveillance, he noted, with cameras posted in most areas of the jail. Video, Sheikh said, “provides an unbiased perspective of what actually happened.” \n“No one ‘wants’ to see the violence likely contained within that footage,” Fathima Cader, a Toronto labour lawyer, said, “but Soleiman’s family loved him, and they are entitled to see how he was treated in the last minutes of his life.”\nThe Faqiri family and their lawyers, Nader Hasan and Edward Marrocco, say they are dismayed and angry they can’t get an answer to their only question: “Why?” \nThe family waited almost a year to see the results of the police investigation. Their previous request to see records of the investigation was also denied. They are still waiting on the findings of an ongoing coroner’s inquest.\n“There has been enough waiting,” Hasan said. “All we’re asking for is for transparency and accountability.”\nMarrocco added that the ministry’s response to the freedom of information request makes it clear that there is an inconsistency to what the police found seven months ago.\n“It looks like the ministry has investigated for a few months and found enough to take action against the guards involved in Soleiman’s death,” he said. “The only thing remaining is to release the ministry’s investigative findings so the truth can finally come out.” \n\nWhat happened to Soleiman Faqiri\nFaqiri was arrested on Dec. 4, 2016, for charges of aggravated assault, assault and uttering threats. He did not have a criminal record, according to the Kawartha Lakes police internal investigation obtained by the Star in February, but had been apprehended by the Durham Regional Police Service approximately 10 times over the past 10 years using their authority under the Mental Health Act.\nIn the course of the five days Faqiri spent in segregation at the Central East Correctional Centre, according to the report, he refused to wear anything besides his underwear, and he repeatedly covered himself in his own urine and feces.\nHe was seeing a ministry psychiatrist, but refused to take his medication. (According to the report, Faqiri had a history of non-compliance with his prescribed medications.)\nOn Dec. 6, Faqiri was moved to a segregation cell “due to concerns for his safety, the safety of other inmates, and the safety of (jail) staff,” said the report. \nOn Dec. 12, Faqiri appeared in court via video. A mental health nurse told the court Faqiri wasn’t speaking to anyone, refusing his medicine, not eating properly, and lying on the floor, making no eye contact. A justice ruled that Faqiri be assessed by a mental health facility in Whitby.\nAt 1 p.m. on Dec. 15, Faqiri was taken out of his cell by three officers and a health-care manager; he was covered in his own urine and feces.\nFaqiri was handcuffed, covered in blankets and escorted in a wheelchair to a shower down the hall from his cell. The wheelchair was used for hygienic reasons.\nAt 1:15 p.m., Faqiri entered the shower area; his handcuffs were removed. He was in the shower for an hour and a half, and, according to the report, he refused, on four occasions, to leave.\nWhat happens next wasn’t entirely captured on video — for the privacy of the inmates, there are no cameras in the cells or showers. Faqiri’s final hours are based on investigators’ interviews with officers involved, witnesses and forensic evidence.\nDuring his shower, the report notes Faqiri was squirting water and shampoo at the correctional officers through the window of the barred shower door.\nUnable to make him stop, officers called their supervisors requesting the assistance of the Institutional Crisis Intervention Team — a group of officers that calm any disturbances caused by inmates \nRequests for a crisis team to assist were denied and correctional officers were advised to manage Faqiri themselves.\nAt 1:45 p.m., a welding shield — a clear plastic free-standing shield — was placed just outside the shower door to protect the officers in the area where Faqiri was throwing water and shampoo.\nThe jail’s superintendent called Faqiri’s psychiatrist to assist, who came and offered him snacks — crackers and peanut butter. This calmed Faqiri down.\nAround 2:50 p.m., the supervising officer was able to handcuff Faqiri through the shower door. Five officers walked Faqiri back to his cell. The report states he began to display aggressive behaviour when a sixth officer, who had no previous history with Faqiri, joined them.\nFaqiri began to resist, said the report, spitting at the guards, while still in the hallway. A guard used pepper spray on him as they reached his cell.\nFaqiri was pulled and pushed into the cell by all six officers. He continued to display “aggressive and assaultive behaviour,” said the report. An officer delivered a knee strike; another forced his right lower leg on his back.\nThe struggle lasted for over 10 minutes, said the report. Faqiri tried to hit the officers with his hands, which were still handcuffed, and also spat at and bit them. As Faqiri repeatedly tried to get up, officers delivered strikes to his body to keep him grounded, “where they can better gain control of him,” said the report.\nPepper spray was used again.\nA “code blue” was called, indicating officers needed help, and 20 to 30 officers came to the cell area. According to corrections ministry policy, when a “code blue” is called, all officers who can attend are told to go and assist.\nThese new officers started to “tap out” the officers “who were exhausting themselves in the struggle,” the report says. \nFaqiri’s mental health began to improve, the report says, and the officers slowly backed out of the cell. At this point, he was lying on his stomach with his hands up above his head, still handcuffed. \nThe supervising officer told Faqiri that his handcuffs were going to be removed and he would be re-handcuffed with his hands behind him. Faqiri, said the report, responded to this instruction.\nA short time later officers looked into the cell window and observed Soleiman was “possibly not breathing,” the report says. The officers entered the cells and removed the handcuffs and began CPR. Nurses soon arrived with a defibrillator.\nAt 3:14 p.m., paramedics were called by a nurse, who said “there’s nurses everywhere, officers and vital signs absent.” According to the transcript of the 911 call, the nurse said they were still performing CPR on Faqiri.\nAccording to a homicide/sudden death report, Faqiri was dead by the time paramedics arrived.\nMembers of the City of Kawartha Lakes Police Service were notified of the death “almost immediately,” at 3:45 p.m.\nFaqiri’s family was informed that night.\n\nFatima Syed\nToronto Star\nMay 14, 2018",
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2018/05/15 04:25:42
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2018/05/15 04:19:03
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authorprisonfreepress
permlinkneedle-exchanges-coming-to-2-canadian-prisons
titleNeedle exchanges coming to 2 Canadian prisons
bodyInmates at two federal prisons who use injection drugs will have access to clean syringes beginning in June, with the Correctional Service of Canada planning to roll out the service at other institutions next year. ![syringe.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmQmpWQFjLV1pvcaVSt6tH89TRA5S4dkv9QADBNMcFanhF/syringe.jpg) The correctional service has previously made needles available for inmates with diabetes who require insulin and for people needing EpiPens, but this is the first time drug users in Canadian prisons will have access to clean needles. "Correctional Service Canada's prison needle exchange program is an initiative that will strengthen ongoing efforts to address infectious diseases in federal penitentiaries and in our communities," said interim commissioner Anne Kelly in a written statement on Monday. Phase 1 of the needle exchange program will begin with one men's institution, the Atlantic Institution in Renous, N.B., as well as one women's facility, the Grand Valley Institution in Kitchener, Ont. A correctional service spokesperson said the prisons were selected because they have the highest rates of injection drug use and needle sharing, based on routinely gathered health information. According to the service, HIV rates in prison are 200 times higher than in the general population, and hepatitis C rates are 260 times higher. For both diseases, the rate within prisons has decreased considerably in the past 10 years. Long overdue, advocate says According to Chu, prisoners who use injection drugs go to great lengths to create and share makeshift syringes, sometimes made out of things like pens.. "It's quite terrible," she said. "I've heard stories from prisoners using one needle that's been used by 30 or 40, up to 50 people, just shared because there's so little access." Chu said she's concerned about the needle exchange model the correctional service is planning to use, which requires inmates to return a needle to get a new one. She said there should be a diversity of needle distribution models, and making prisoners hand in a syringe to obtain a clean one reduces overall access. Prison guards object The Union of Canadian Correctional Officers said in a written statement that it is concerned about the launch of the needle exchange programs in two prisons, which it claims are being implemented without new training or safety measures for correctional officers. "This program represents a dangerous turning point. Correctional Service Canada has decided to close its eyes to drug trafficking in our institutions. It has chosen to encourage criminal activity inside the walls instead of investing in the care and treatment of inmates who are drug addicts or carriers of infectious disease," union president Jason Godin said. "We are also wondering what's happening with CSC's zero-tolerance policy on drugs?" Godin expressed confusion about the role of correctional officers who witness inmates using the needles to inject contraband drugs, and whether they're expected to intervene, or permit drug use. He also claimed the new program will be a threat to officers and put inmates' lives at risk with the risk of overdose, and that the correctional service's role should be to continue to reduce the supply of drugs. According to the correctional service, "The safety and security of staff, the public and inmates are of utmost importance when making decisions about CSC programs and policy." Rafferty Baker CBC News May 14, 2018
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      "body": "Inmates at two federal prisons who use injection drugs will have access to clean syringes beginning in June, with the Correctional Service of Canada planning to roll out the service at other institutions next year.\n![syringe.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmQmpWQFjLV1pvcaVSt6tH89TRA5S4dkv9QADBNMcFanhF/syringe.jpg)\nThe correctional service has previously made needles available for inmates with diabetes who require insulin and for people needing EpiPens, but this is the first time drug users in Canadian prisons will have access to clean needles.\n\"Correctional Service Canada's prison needle exchange program is an initiative that will strengthen ongoing efforts to address infectious diseases in federal penitentiaries and in our communities,\" said interim commissioner Anne Kelly in a written statement on Monday.\nPhase 1 of the needle exchange program will begin with one men's institution, the Atlantic Institution in Renous, N.B., as well as one women's facility, the Grand Valley Institution in Kitchener, Ont.\nA correctional service spokesperson said the prisons were selected because they have the highest rates of injection drug use and needle sharing, based on routinely gathered health information.\nAccording to the service, HIV rates in prison are 200 times higher than in the general population, and hepatitis C rates are 260 times higher. For both diseases, the rate within prisons has decreased considerably in the past 10 years.\n\nLong overdue, advocate says\nAccording to Chu, prisoners who use injection drugs go to great lengths to create and share makeshift syringes, sometimes made out of things like pens..\n\"It's quite terrible,\" she said. \"I've heard stories from prisoners using one needle that's been used by 30 or 40, up to 50 people, just shared because there's so little access.\"\nChu said she's concerned about the needle exchange model the correctional service is planning to use, which requires inmates to return a needle to get a new one. She said there should be a diversity of needle distribution models, and making prisoners hand in a syringe to obtain a clean one reduces overall access. \n\nPrison guards object\nThe Union of Canadian Correctional Officers said in a written statement that it is concerned about the launch of the needle exchange programs in two prisons, which it claims are being implemented without new training or safety measures for correctional officers.\n\"This program represents a dangerous turning point. Correctional Service Canada has decided to close its eyes to drug trafficking in our institutions. It has chosen to encourage criminal activity inside the walls instead of investing in the care and treatment of inmates who are drug addicts or carriers of infectious disease,\" union president Jason Godin said.\n\"We are also wondering what's happening with CSC's zero-tolerance policy on drugs?\"\nGodin expressed confusion about the role of correctional officers who witness inmates using the needles to inject contraband drugs, and whether they're expected to intervene, or permit drug use.\nHe also claimed the new program will be a threat to officers and put inmates' lives at risk with the risk of overdose, and that the correctional service's role should be to continue to reduce the supply of drugs.\nAccording to the correctional service, \"The safety and security of staff, the public and inmates are of utmost importance when making decisions about CSC programs and policy.\"\n\nRafferty Baker\nCBC News\nMay 14, 2018",
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2018/05/03 06:17:36
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2018/05/03 05:55:24
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2018/05/03 05:55:06
parent author
parent permlinkcanada-prison
authorprisonfreepress
permlinkif-we-truly-want-to-rehabilitate-incarcerated-youth-we-must-stop-putting-them-in-solitary-confinement
titleIf we truly want to rehabilitate incarcerated youth, we must stop putting them in solitary confinement
bodyA couple of weeks ago, a jury looking into the suicide of Yousef Mohamed Hussein, an inmate who took his own life in segregation in an Ottawa detention centre back in 2016, came out with 29 recommendations for dealing with inmates with mental health issues. Among them was the suggestion that unless there was "clear and obvious" misconduct, inmates should still be allowed some interaction and communication with others. ![youth2.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmUKjwgtE3hzVA7psVgPB3T5BFqRybZLGbbQH9aAphg9dG/youth2.jpg) Earlier this year, the Ontario Human Rights Tribunal issued a consent order to end segregation for the mentally ill, identified as a vulnerable population group. The province has signed on and agreed to end the practice in those cases, but it is still being used on another vulnerable population: youth aged 12 to 17. In Ontario youth corrections, this practice is currently called "secure isolation." According to Ontario law, secure isolation refers to when a youth is locked in a specifically designated room to isolate him or her from others. Other provinces have similar practices. Secure isolation vs. segregation There are some differences between secure isolation for youth and segregation for adults — for example, in the case of youth, segregation cannot be used solely as a punishment tool. However, they both meet the UN definition for solitary confinement when used for over 22 hours. And, according to the UN Mandela Rules, solitary confinement should be prohibited for youth. Youth in isolation can spend up to 23 hours a day locked in a cell. The Provincial Advocate for Children and Youth of Ontario reported that in 2014, nearly a quarter of all secure isolation placements lasted for 24 hours or more. In 2013, one youth was held in isolation for 17 days. Currently, the Child and Family Services Act states that secure isolation should only be used as a last resort. By law, these youth should be released as soon as any "threats" are no longer a concern. However, isolation can sometimes be used as an insidious tool for disciplining youth deemed to be "troublesome" by guards. The Residential Services Review Panel assembled by the Ministry of Children and Youth Services (MCYS) suggests that "the legacy of the adult correctional system's approach to managing youth in conflict with the law and the inability for some to shift to a less authoritarian, youth-centred culture" may affect guards' relationships with youth. Thus, some guards may be using isolation when it is not appropriate or necessary. Proponents of secure isolation argue that its use is a necessary evil to deal with deviant youth, preventing them from hurting themselves and/or others. There are also claims that time in isolation is time to reflect on wrongdoing and reconsider one's behaviour. However, these arguments are misguided. According to criminology professor Kelly Hannah-Moffat from the University of Toronto, "there is little empirical evidence to show that [isolation] actually increases the safety of a facility." Results from Larocque's 2017 research (some of it from the U.S.) indicate that neither the use of segregation, nor its duration, had any effect on institutional violence. Additionally, in Bacon v. Surrey Pretrial Services, the court stated that "inhumane treatment cannot be justified on the basis of a choice between physical safety and psychological integrity." Evidence shows that time in isolation actually contributes to psychological harm for youth, leading to things like anxiety, depression and even hallucinations. For a population that is still developing mentally and physically, these effects are particularly harmful. Historically, Canada made no distinction between youth and adults who came into contact with the justice system. Today, our criminal law has evolved to acknowledge that children have different needs and can benefit from less punitive interventions. In particular, the Youth Criminal Justice Act emphasizes rehabilitation and alternatives to incarceration in sentencing. Double punishment However, secure isolation runs contrary to these principles; incarcerated youth are doubly punished when subjected to incarceration and isolation. Indeed, research suggests that individuals who have been placed in solitary confinement may experience long-term or even permanent negative effects, which runs contrary to the stated objective of preparing these youths for reintegration into the community. Beginning this week, new legislation will address the isolation of youth in Ontario custody centres. Although there have been some commendable efforts to improve the practice, such as the potential for increased monitoring of youth in isolation, these changes don't go far enough. The new Child, Youth and Family Services Act still allows for the indefinite isolation of youth aged 16 or older with the provincial director's approval. This unfettered discretion opens the door for misuse. In 2011, the UN Special Rapporteur on torture recommended a complete ban on isolation for youth. We agree. Ontario has taken necessary steps to eliminate the use of solitary confinement for one vulnerable population. It should do so for another. Cristina Tucciarone, Ferdouse Asefi & Sebastian di Domenico CBC News Apr 30, 2018
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      "title": "If we truly want to rehabilitate incarcerated youth, we must stop putting them in solitary confinement",
      "body": "A couple of weeks ago, a jury looking into the suicide of Yousef Mohamed Hussein, an inmate who took his own life in segregation in an Ottawa detention centre back in 2016, came out with 29 recommendations for dealing with inmates with mental health issues. Among them was the suggestion that unless there was \"clear and obvious\" misconduct, inmates should still be allowed some interaction and communication with others.\n![youth2.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmUKjwgtE3hzVA7psVgPB3T5BFqRybZLGbbQH9aAphg9dG/youth2.jpg)\nEarlier this year, the Ontario Human Rights Tribunal issued a consent order to end segregation for the mentally ill, identified as a vulnerable population group. The province has signed on and agreed to end the practice in those cases, but it is still being used on another vulnerable population: youth aged 12 to 17.\nIn Ontario youth corrections, this practice is currently called \"secure isolation.\" According to Ontario law, secure isolation refers to when a youth is locked in a specifically designated room to isolate him or her from others. Other provinces have similar practices.\n\nSecure isolation vs. segregation\nThere are some differences between secure isolation for youth and segregation for adults — for example, in the case of youth, segregation cannot be used solely as a punishment tool. However, they both meet the UN definition for solitary confinement when used for over 22 hours. And, according to the UN Mandela Rules, solitary confinement should be prohibited for youth.\nYouth in isolation can spend up to 23 hours a day locked in a cell. The Provincial Advocate for Children and Youth of Ontario reported that in 2014, nearly a quarter of all secure isolation placements lasted for 24 hours or more. In 2013, one youth was held in isolation for 17 days.\nCurrently, the Child and Family Services Act states that secure isolation should only be used as a last resort. By law, these youth should be released as soon as any \"threats\" are no longer a concern.\nHowever, isolation can sometimes be used as an insidious tool for disciplining youth deemed to be \"troublesome\" by guards. The Residential Services Review Panel assembled by the Ministry of Children and Youth Services (MCYS) suggests that \"the legacy of the adult correctional system's approach to managing youth in conflict with the law and the inability for some to shift to a less authoritarian, youth-centred culture\" may affect guards' relationships with youth. Thus, some guards may be using isolation when it is not appropriate or necessary.\nProponents of secure isolation argue that its use is a necessary evil to deal with deviant youth, preventing them from hurting themselves and/or others. There are also claims that time in isolation is time to reflect on wrongdoing and reconsider one's behaviour.\nHowever, these arguments are misguided. According to criminology professor Kelly Hannah-Moffat from the University of Toronto, \"there is little empirical evidence to show that [isolation] actually increases the safety of a facility.\" \nResults from Larocque's 2017 research (some of it from the U.S.) indicate that neither the use of segregation, nor its duration, had any effect on institutional violence. Additionally, in Bacon v. 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Indeed, research suggests that individuals who have been placed in solitary confinement may experience long-term or even permanent negative effects, which runs contrary to the stated objective of preparing these youths for reintegration into the community.\nBeginning this week, new legislation will address the isolation of youth in Ontario custody centres. Although there have been some commendable efforts to improve the practice, such as the potential for increased monitoring of youth in isolation, these changes don't go far enough. The new Child, Youth and Family Services Act still allows for the indefinite isolation of youth aged 16 or older with the provincial director's approval. This unfettered discretion opens the door for misuse. \nIn 2011, the UN Special Rapporteur on torture recommended a complete ban on isolation for youth. We agree. Ontario has taken necessary steps to eliminate the use of solitary confinement for one vulnerable population. It should do so for another.\n\nCristina Tucciarone, Ferdouse Asefi & Sebastian di Domenico\nCBC News\nApr 30, 2018",
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2018/04/29 12:10:51
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2018/04/29 11:49:15
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2018/04/29 06:17:51
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2018/04/29 05:20:24
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2018/04/29 04:53:33
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2018/04/29 04:48:36
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2018/04/29 04:48:33
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2018/04/29 04:48:24
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2018/04/29 04:48:24
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bodywww.intersectionalanalyst.com Feb 16, 2018 ![jury_selection.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmbJWfjCuRoLhGsoPweg5UC2xWSCjH7gtaAYUS3awyvrru/jury_selection.jpg) In August 2016, Colten Boushie was murdered by Gerald Stanley, a 56-year old white farmer, in Saskatchewan. Boushie was a young, 22-year old Indigenous man from Red Pheasant First Nation. On the evening of February 9th, Gerald Stanley’s fatal shooting of Boushie was outrageously justified as an “accident”, and Stanley was acquitted of all charges. Stanley was found not guilty by an all-white jury. The defence rejected a number of Indigenous people during jury selection with “peremptory challenges”. Peremptory challenges are essentially a set number of people that the defence can reject from jury selection without having to provide a reason—and are an obvious avenue for discrimination in the legal system. The jury’s underrepresentation (read: absence) of Indigenous people is not unique to the Stanley case—it is symptomatic of the institutionalized anti-Indigenous racism embedded in Canada’s justice system. It is another enraging example of how power is distributed among racial and colonial lines in this country; it is yet another mechanism allowing state sanctioned violence against Indigenous people in Canada to thrive. In 2011-2012, former Supreme Court Justice Frank Iacobucci conducted an independent review of the representation of First Nations persons living on reserves on the jury roll in Ontario. He released a 166-page report compiling his findings in 2013, which includes a historical analysis of the jury system and a review of the many barriers put in place that have prevented—and continue to exclude—Indigenous people from participating on juries. He writes that, historically: “...criminal jury trials in Canada were used at times as a tool to punish, what the British viewed as disloyal behavior on the part of Aboriginal people, and to persecute the customary practices of First Nations on the grounds that they constituted criminal behaviour.” Although the report focuses on Ontario, it includes a discussion of broader systemic trends across Canadian provinces and territories. I’ve tried to summarize key facts in this infographic timeline. If you have the financial means, please donate to this Justice for Colten fundraiser organized by Erica Violet Lee to support the Boushie family. Please also consider writing an email to the Attorney General of Saskatchewan Don Morgan and Attorney General of Canada Jody Wilson-Raybould to demand an appeal of the verdict of Gerald Stanley. You can personalize your message working off of Harsha Walia’s draft here. A list of gatherings in different cities is being compiled here. www.intersectionalanalyst.com ![jury_selection.png](https://steemitimages.com/DQmat2VenDKiABcLwMP29rTbNXP4dyiKsDcNyiVDbgofAoN/jury_selection.png)
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2018/04/23 03:17:21
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2018/04/23 03:17:06
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2018/04/23 03:16:51
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2018/04/23 03:16:45
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2018/04/23 03:16:45
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titleCanada needs to clear the air – and wipe away criminal records for marijuana
bodyLegalization of recreational cannabis in Canada is only a few months away, but it's going to take a lot longer than that to clean up the mess left behind from almost a century of prohibition. One of the most pressing issues has to be to wipe the slate clean for Canadians who have criminal records for possession. ![marijuana-pardon.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmfJya7BRE2yCH435Tjwb4EzBah1HbKAZvHSi6dSSk5WEL/marijuana-pardon.jpg) When Bill C-45 (the Cannabis Act) was tabled, the government said there would be no general amnesty for past convictions. But now it seems the Liberals are starting to come to their senses – at least a bit. At a cabinet retreat last week in London, Ont., federal Public Safety Minister Ralph Goodale said the government is examining the implications of possible pardons or record suspensions, but no action would be taken until after July 1. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, for his part, acknowledged that a lot of people have been harmed by having criminal records for possession of a drug that will soon be legal. But, in the same breath, he said that people will continue to be prosecuted for possession of marijuana until a "legalized and controlled regime is in place – not before." Mr. Trudeau's dubious justification for this hardline approach is that "anyone who is currently purchasing marijuana is participating in illegal activity that is funding criminal organizations and street gangs." The PM needs to be reminded that one of the principal reasons legalization makes sense is having a criminal record is a lot worse for a person's health than smoking pot. It can make finding a job, getting a bank loan and travelling much more difficult, not to mention that prosecuting people for buying a few grams of pot to get high is a tremendous waste of police and court resources. For decades now, tens of thousands of people a year have been busted for possession. Racialized and low-income Canadians have been disproportionately prosecuted and harmed. In 2016 alone – after it was clear that cannabis would be legalized – there were 55,000 cannabis-related charged laid under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act – 76 per cent of them for simple possession – according to Statistics Canada. That number has been falling for years as police and prosecutors began to recognize the absurdity of the law. Judges have also increasingly imposed suspended sentences and small fines. In other jurisdictions that have legalized cannabis, such as California, they simply removed the crime of possession from the books – and did so retroactively. They also reduced penalties for cultivating and selling cannabis. Canada is taking a much more convoluted and outdated approach. Under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, there are currently eight cannabis-related offences, such as possession, trafficking, importing and exporting. Under the Cannabis Act, there will be 45 offences, and many penalties will be far stiffer. Under the new law, it will be legal for individuals to possess up to 30 grams (one ounce) of cannabis and grow up to four plants for personal consumption. (Those rules, however, vary a bit by province.) Cannabis will be highly regulated; the new legal regime does not create a laissez-faire environment. For example, public possession of more than 30 grams of pot will be a crime, as will "unauthorized promotion." The new law will also create something called "illicit cannabis" – covering all products that are not purchased in a provincially-regulated store, or grown legally. If you distribute "illicit cannabis" to a minor, i.e. share a joint with a teenager or sell them a bit of pot, you could face a $15,000 fine and 18 months in prison for a summary offence and up to 14 years in prison for an indictable offence. By comparison, selling liquor to a minor will land you a maximum fine of $10,000 in most provinces. Selling cannabis without a licence will also be a crime with stiff penalties – up to 14 years in prison – which could prove problematic for dispensaries in provinces that are creating a state-run monopoly, such as Ontario and Quebec. Ontario, which has vowed to shut down dispensaries, has also threatened additional fines of up to $1-million. In the U.S. jurisdictions that have legalized marijuana – six states and three more coming in 2018 – criminal charges have dropped sharply. But, in Canada, that's not a given, and that's most unfortunate. Ottawa needs to not only expunge the records of those who have been charged with possession in the past, but ensure it does not perpetuate the morally and rationally-untenable litany of prosecutions of recreational drug users that are the hallmark of the failed war on drugs. André Picard The Canadian Press Jan 15, 2018
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      "body": "Legalization of recreational cannabis in Canada is only a few months away, but it's going to take a lot longer than that to clean up the mess left behind from almost a century of prohibition. One of the most pressing issues has to be to wipe the slate clean for Canadians who have criminal records for possession.\n![marijuana-pardon.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmfJya7BRE2yCH435Tjwb4EzBah1HbKAZvHSi6dSSk5WEL/marijuana-pardon.jpg)\nWhen Bill C-45 (the Cannabis Act) was tabled, the government said there would be no general amnesty for past convictions. But now it seems the Liberals are starting to come to their senses – at least a bit.\nAt a cabinet retreat last week in London, Ont., federal Public Safety Minister Ralph Goodale said the government is examining the implications of possible pardons or record suspensions, but no action would be taken until after July 1.\nPrime Minister Justin Trudeau, for his part, acknowledged that a lot of people have been harmed by having criminal records for possession of a drug that will soon be legal. But, in the same breath, he said that people will continue to be prosecuted for possession of marijuana until a \"legalized and controlled regime is in place – not before.\"\nMr. Trudeau's dubious justification for this hardline approach is that \"anyone who is currently purchasing marijuana is participating in illegal activity that is funding criminal organizations and street gangs.\"\nThe PM needs to be reminded that one of the principal reasons legalization makes sense is having a criminal record is a lot worse for a person's health than smoking pot. It can make finding a job, getting a bank loan and travelling much more difficult, not to mention that prosecuting people for buying a few grams of pot to get high is a tremendous waste of police and court resources.\nFor decades now, tens of thousands of people a year have been busted for possession. Racialized and low-income Canadians have been disproportionately prosecuted and harmed.\nIn 2016 alone – after it was clear that cannabis would be legalized – there were 55,000 cannabis-related charged laid under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act – 76 per cent of them for simple possession – according to Statistics Canada. That number has been falling for years as police and prosecutors began to recognize the absurdity of the law. Judges have also increasingly imposed suspended sentences and small fines.\nIn other jurisdictions that have legalized cannabis, such as California, they simply removed the crime of possession from the books – and did so retroactively. They also reduced penalties for cultivating and selling cannabis.\nCanada is taking a much more convoluted and outdated approach. Under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, there are currently eight cannabis-related offences, such as possession, trafficking, importing and exporting. Under the Cannabis Act, there will be 45 offences, and many penalties will be far stiffer.\nUnder the new law, it will be legal for individuals to possess up to 30 grams (one ounce) of cannabis and grow up to four plants for personal consumption. (Those rules, however, vary a bit by province.)\nCannabis will be highly regulated; the new legal regime does not create a laissez-faire environment. For example, public possession of more than 30 grams of pot will be a crime, as will \"unauthorized promotion.\"\nThe new law will also create something called \"illicit cannabis\" – covering all products that are not purchased in a provincially-regulated store, or grown legally. If you distribute \"illicit cannabis\" to a minor, i.e. share a joint with a teenager or sell them a bit of pot, you could face a $15,000 fine and 18 months in prison for a summary offence and up to 14 years in prison for an indictable offence.\nBy comparison, selling liquor to a minor will land you a maximum fine of $10,000 in most provinces.\nSelling cannabis without a licence will also be a crime with stiff penalties – up to 14 years in prison – which could prove problematic for dispensaries in provinces that are creating a state-run monopoly, such as Ontario and Quebec. Ontario, which has vowed to shut down dispensaries, has also threatened additional fines of up to $1-million.\nIn the U.S. jurisdictions that have legalized marijuana – six states and three more coming in 2018 – criminal charges have dropped sharply. But, in Canada, that's not a given, and that's most unfortunate. Ottawa needs to not only expunge the records of those who have been charged with possession in the past, but ensure it does not perpetuate the morally and rationally-untenable litany of prosecutions of recreational drug users that are the hallmark of the failed war on drugs.\n\nAndré Picard \nThe Canadian Press\nJan 15, 2018",
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2018/04/21 07:31:54
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2018/04/21 06:59:39
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2018/04/21 06:59:36
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2018/04/21 06:59:33
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2018/04/21 06:59:27
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2018/04/21 06:59:27
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2018/04/21 06:59:27
parent author
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authorprisonfreepress
permlinktoking-while-white-a-get-out-of-jail-card
titleToking while white: A get out of jail card
bodyAs a middle-aged woman, you get used to becoming invisible. Bartenders no longer see you, never mind taxi drivers. It’s not surprising to have your partner turn to you with a start and say, “Whoa! I forgot you were there.” It’s tempting to hold up your hand to the sun to see whether it’s become transparent, and then seek solace in a nice glass of Sancerre. ![Toking - Hanna Barczyk.jpeg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmf1Nd8Qd8VRrjmEsjN2gmrCMw42rzC8d9tSidLQnF5Zb9/Toking%20-%20Hanna%20Barczyk.jpeg) Illustration by Hanna Barczyk Or possibly a gram of Green Crack, which – despite its sinister name – is just a popular strain of pot. Perhaps it was Green Crack I was smoking along with my other middle-aged lady friends outside a downtown Toronto restaurant not too long ago. I’m not sure; my memory isn’t what it once was, for some reason. Anyway, there we were, smoking a joint on the street, talking about books or college tuitions or what we were watching on Netflix. The usual conversations we have when we smoke joints, which is fairly often. The bartender inside continued to ignore us, and possibly would have left work that night never noticing we’d gone. More important, the police were ignoring us too. No one stopped, questioned or arrested us. The neighbours didn’t call the cops on this bunch of nicely dressed, middle-aged ladies. This is the experience of toking while white. Toking while white also allows you to sit on a hillside at a Dolly Parton concert smoking a joint (been there) or to stand with an equally middle-aged stranger outside a literary gala while she hands you her vape and tells you about her son’s wedding (done that). Along the way, I’ve worried more about the piercing scorn of judgy moms than the cold hand of the criminal justice system. In other words, toking while white is entitlement, and like most entitlement, it’s pernicious and unthinking and corrosive. In the same way I’ve never been arrested at Starbucks while waiting for a friend, I’ve also never been arrested for rolling a Camberwell carrot outside an art gallery (and if I can just lay low for a few more months, I never will). The people who are disproportionately arrested for possession of weed in Canada are not middle-aged white women, you may not be surprised to learn. They are, as a Vice investigation reported this week, much more likely to be black and Indigenous people. Using freedom of information requests, Vice’s Rachel Browne obtained statistics from police forces in six cities, covering the period 2015-2017. She writes, “Indigenous people in Regina were nearly nine times more likely to get arrested for cannabis possession than white people during that time period. Meanwhile, black people in Halifax were more than five times more likely to get arrested for possessing weed than white people.” The story notes that “the exclusive data provides further evidence that racial disparities in cannabis possession arrests are an issue in Canada, just like in the U.S.” This echoes a 2017 Toronto Star investigation, which found that “black people with no history of criminal convictions have been three times more likely to be arrested by Toronto police for possession of small amounts of marijuana than white people with similar backgrounds.” Black people caught with a small amount of marijuana were detained for a bail hearing at a much higher rate than whites as well. The data in the Star investigation covered a 10-year period between 2003-2013. For many people, the countdown to licit weed began decades ago (I wrote my first column calling for decriminalization in 1994, which is a lot of Camberwell carrots under the bridge. Or in the ashtray, if you prefer.) And yet there are so many issues of justice and equality that have not yet been addressed. Yes, there have been careful discussions, as there should be, about the placement of marijuana stores near schools and the proper age for purchase. But the more fraught issues of who wins and who loses in this new green rush have not yet been properly understood, and if no efforts are made now, existing inequalities are likely to be further calcified. How about amnesty for those who have been jailed for possession, for example? As my colleague André Picard pointed out, in arguing for those records to be wiped clean, “for decades now, tens of thousands of people a year have been busted for possession. Racialized and low-income Canadians have been disproportionately prosecuted and harmed.” A criminal record is a lifelong sentence. Yet, while the government has indicated it’s open to some kind of amnesty, the details and timing have not been revealed. Who will benefit from this coming windfall? Is it the people who once banged the anti-pot drum? Vice compiled a handy list of “Canada’s biggest weed hypocrites,” which included former Toronto police chief Julian Fantino and former Conservative cabinet minister Joe Oliver, who are both now working with medical marijuana companies. What about poor or precariously employed people, who can’t afford their medical marijuana? The current issue of This Magazine has a cover story looking at people who are suffering as the price of their medical marijuana rises, a problem that will be exacerbated as the government plans to slap a tax on it. In the story, two people talk about how they have to spend between $900 and $1,000 a month to keep their suffering at bay – costs that are not covered by private or public insurance. It’s rare in this country that we witness the dawn of an initiative that will bring a lot of money to some people and a lot of pleasure to others. I like to think of it in the words of the musical Finian’s Rainbow: “It’s the great come and get it day.” The very least we could do is try to make sure the project is as fair and just as possible from the outset, and not stamped with already existing inequalities. And yes: I’d say that even if I hadn’t been smoking something. Elizabeth Renzetti Globe and Mail Apr 20, 2018
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      "body": "As a middle-aged woman, you get used to becoming invisible. Bartenders no longer see you, never mind taxi drivers. It’s not surprising to have your partner turn to you with a start and say, “Whoa! I forgot you were there.” It’s tempting to hold up your hand to the sun to see whether it’s become transparent, and then seek solace in a nice glass of Sancerre. \n![Toking - Hanna Barczyk.jpeg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmf1Nd8Qd8VRrjmEsjN2gmrCMw42rzC8d9tSidLQnF5Zb9/Toking%20-%20Hanna%20Barczyk.jpeg)\nIllustration by Hanna Barczyk\nOr possibly a gram of Green Crack, which – despite its sinister name – is just a popular strain of pot. Perhaps it was Green Crack I was smoking along with my other middle-aged lady friends outside a downtown Toronto restaurant not too long ago. I’m not sure; my memory isn’t what it once was, for some reason.\nAnyway, there we were, smoking a joint on the street, talking about books or college tuitions or what we were watching on Netflix. The usual conversations we have when we smoke joints, which is fairly often. The bartender inside continued to ignore us, and possibly would have left work that night never noticing we’d gone. More important, the police were ignoring us too. No one stopped, questioned or arrested us. The neighbours didn’t call the cops on this bunch of nicely dressed, middle-aged ladies. This is the experience of toking while white. \nToking while white also allows you to sit on a hillside at a Dolly Parton concert smoking a joint (been there) or to stand with an equally middle-aged stranger outside a literary gala while she hands you her vape and tells you about her son’s wedding (done that). Along the way, I’ve worried more about the piercing scorn of judgy moms than the cold hand of the criminal justice system. In other words, toking while white is entitlement, and like most entitlement, it’s pernicious and unthinking and corrosive.\nIn the same way I’ve never been arrested at Starbucks while waiting for a friend, I’ve also never been arrested for rolling a Camberwell carrot outside an art gallery (and if I can just lay low for a few more months, I never will). The people who are disproportionately arrested for possession of weed in Canada are not middle-aged white women, you may not be surprised to learn. They are, as a Vice investigation reported this week, much more likely to be black and Indigenous people. \nUsing freedom of information requests, Vice’s Rachel Browne obtained statistics from police forces in six cities, covering the period 2015-2017. She writes, “Indigenous people in Regina were nearly nine times more likely to get arrested for cannabis possession than white people during that time period. Meanwhile, black people in Halifax were more than five times more likely to get arrested for possessing weed than white people.” The story notes that “the exclusive data provides further evidence that racial disparities in cannabis possession arrests are an issue in Canada, just like in the U.S.”\nThis echoes a 2017 Toronto Star investigation, which found that “black people with no history of criminal convictions have been three times more likely to be arrested by Toronto police for possession of small amounts of marijuana than white people with similar backgrounds.” Black people caught with a small amount of marijuana were detained for a bail hearing at a much higher rate than whites as well. The data in the Star investigation covered a 10-year period between 2003-2013.\nFor many people, the countdown to licit weed began decades ago (I wrote my first column calling for decriminalization in 1994, which is a lot of Camberwell carrots under the bridge. Or in the ashtray, if you prefer.) And yet there are so many issues of justice and equality that have not yet been addressed.\nYes, there have been careful discussions, as there should be, about the placement of marijuana stores near schools and the proper age for purchase. But the more fraught issues of who wins and who loses in this new green rush have not yet been properly understood, and if no efforts are made now, existing inequalities are likely to be further calcified.\nHow about amnesty for those who have been jailed for possession, for example? As my colleague André Picard pointed out, in arguing for those records to be wiped clean, “for decades now, tens of thousands of people a year have been busted for possession. Racialized and low-income Canadians have been disproportionately prosecuted and harmed.” A criminal record is a lifelong sentence. Yet, while the government has indicated it’s open to some kind of amnesty, the details and timing have not been revealed.\nWho will benefit from this coming windfall? Is it the people who once banged the anti-pot drum? Vice compiled a handy list of “Canada’s biggest weed hypocrites,” which included former Toronto police chief Julian Fantino and former Conservative cabinet minister Joe Oliver, who are both now working with medical marijuana companies. \nWhat about poor or precariously employed people, who can’t afford their medical marijuana? The current issue of This Magazine has a cover story looking at people who are suffering as the price of their medical marijuana rises, a problem that will be exacerbated as the government plans to slap a tax on it. In the story, two people talk about how they have to spend between $900 and $1,000 a month to keep their suffering at bay – costs that are not covered by private or public insurance. \nIt’s rare in this country that we witness the dawn of an initiative that will bring a lot of money to some people and a lot of pleasure to others. I like to think of it in the words of the musical Finian’s Rainbow: “It’s the great come and get it day.” The very least we could do is try to make sure the project is as fair and just as possible from the outset, and not stamped with already existing inequalities. And yes: I’d say that even if I hadn’t been smoking something. \n\nElizabeth Renzetti \nGlobe and Mail\nApr 20, 2018",
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steemdelegated 18.067 SP to @prisonfreepress
2018/04/16 13:40:21
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2018/04/14 00:29:57
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2018/04/12 13:07:06
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2018/04/12 10:25:24
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2018/04/12 10:25:21
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2018/04/12 05:31:45
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2018/04/12 05:31:27
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bodyHi! I am a robot. I just upvoted you! I found similar content that readers might be interested in: http://miic.ca/2018/04/09/theres-nothing-illegal-about-asylum-seekers/
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2018/04/12 05:31:24
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2018/04/12 05:31:12
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2018/04/12 05:31:12
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bodyAmid a global refugee crisis, the misuse of the term ‘illegal’ carries a real cost. ![EID.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmbL5oZEkiymeoiH2f8q2MQbAxHvECasiKq55dFtfm3EMd/EID.jpg) We are concerned about a recent spike in the use of the term “illegal” to characterize asylum seekers crossing the Canada-U.S. border. One newspaper speaks of “illegal migrants” while others focus on “illegal border crossers.” An editorial from a prominent national paper asks Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to “yield to Tory measures” by tightening the border. Immigration Minister Ahmed Hussen recently said that he has “no qualms about using the term [illegal].” As MPs Jenny Kwan and Gary Anandasangaree have both argued, word choice is important and the term “illegal” is harmful. “Irregular” is used by the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada to describe border crossings “between ports of entry.” This is not about people trying to sneak across the border undetected, but about the right to seek asylum from persecution. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights protects this right. Importantly, the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1967 Protocol, to which Canada is a signatory and which are incorporated into Canadian law, both recognize that refugee claimants should not be penalized for irregular entry to seek refuge. Many news pieces that talk about “illegal migrants” or “illegal border crossing” fail to mention an important context - the Safe Third Country Agreement (STCA) with the United States. The agreement, which came into effect in 2004, requires Canada to send refugees back to the U.S. if they come to an official port of entry in all but a few circumstances. This agreement only applies to refugee claims made at official border points, and is premised on the assumption that the U.S. is a country that protects the rights of refugee claimants. Given the current Trump administration’s anti-refugee and anti-Muslim policies, there is good reason to think the U.S. is not currently a safe place of return. Applying the term “illegal border crossing” to refugees is based on a misconception. Irregular entry is not an offence in the Criminal Code, and should not be labelled as such. The language of illegality also tends to violate the presumption of innocence. This is a principle that should inform ethical journalism. We should recognize that many so-called “illegal border crossers” will become long-term and integral members of Canadian society. If people come without a well-founded fear of persecution, they will be sent home. But if they do have legitimate grounds for refugee protection and are legally entitled to remain, there is a strong public interest in their eventual integration. Using criminalizing language makes this transition more difficult. As refugee law scholar Harold Bauder writes, the language we choose “can also shape the way civic society, employers, and communities engage refugees and immigrants in everyday life.” Refugees often lack access to the press and to podiums, so their public image and identity tends to be defined by others. Stigmatizing labels embolden a populist politics that positions refugees as outsiders, burdens, and potential criminals. These labels in turn support problematic policies by making it easier to scapegoat refugees for social ills they are not responsible for. We stand against a term that divides refugee claimants into “good” and “bad”, “deserving” and “undeserving”, and that removes the dignity of those exercising their fundamental rights to claim asylum and start a new life. There is a great responsibility for those with elevated voices to not prejudge and malign refugee claimants as “illegal.” Jesse Beatson & Kylie Sier Toronto Star Apr 9, 2018
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[]