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      "title": "Is Rodrigo Duterte a Fool, a Genius—or Both?",
      "body": "Rodrigo Duterte is a fool.\n\nDoesn’t he know that Scarborough Shoal is the place to draw a “line in the sand”? That, with the United States, he and the Philippines could make Xi Jinping “lose face” there? That the shoal should be the launching point for a new concerted effort to challenge “every Chinese overreach, early and often,” and is a dispute worthy of “indecent” operations? He seems blissfully unaware that China’s activities around the shoal, along with its other maritime territorial claims, are mere precursors to China claiming the entire Pacific Ocean and achieving “global hegemony.”\n\n\nIt’s not just foreign voices. Duterte is ignoring Filipinos too. His own predecessor took China to the Hague Tribunal and won just a few months ago—an advantage that Duterte is calmly throwing away. A Filipino law professor opined last April that “Southeast Asian states will not quietly surrender sovereign rights guaranteed by international law. Against overwhelming power, the only logical recourse is to gravitate closer together, and join with external powers.” The expert consensus is overwhelming: regional governments “cannot back down because that risks encouraging China to be more aggressive still.”\n\nYet, in the teeth of the evidence, the government of the Philippines has recently shown itself to be uninterested in drawing lines in the sand, making China lose face, challenging China’s territorial claims or joining the United States as a junior partner in checking China’s rise. To the contrary, President Rodrigo Duterte has declared that he would pursue an “independent posture and independent foreign policy.” Here’s what that policy looks like.\n\nFirst, the Philippines has been signaling that it will conduct bilateral territorial negotiations with China, as opposed to America’s preferred method of lawsuits or multilateral discussions. Bilateral talks on Chinese investment, infrastructure and trade are being planned first, to promote cooperation before tackling the more difficult territorial issues. “The natural effect of engaging China in other areas of concern will precisely open the door for more open discussions of the [maritime] dispute with the view of resolving the dispute peacefully,” Perfecto Yasay, the Philippine secretary of foreign affairs, said in September. This sort of practical engagement will evidently begin next week, as Duterte visits China with hundreds of business executives in tow.\n\nSecond, President Duterte has declared that the Philippines will no longer conduct patrols with the United States in the South China Sea: “We will not join any expedition or patrolling the sea. I will not allow it because I do not want my country to be involved in a hostile act.” Lest any doubts remain, the Philippines’ defense secretary has since confirmed it.\n\nThird, Duterte has indicated that he wants U.S. Special Forces to leave the Philippines, and is looking to China and Russia for arms purchases.\n\nWhy is Duterte pursuing such irrational policies? He apparently rejects the three myths that have seduced the American commentariat. What myths?\n\n1. China could gracefully submit to the Hague ruling.\n\n2. Amped-up American and allied “resolve” would force China to comply.\n\n3. China’s rejection of the ruling signifies its rejection of international order. Disagreeing with the ruling of a tribunal in The Hague (not, by the way, the UN, as some erroneously claim) hardly expresses an intention to destroy international society or dominate the Pacific. Disagreeing with your local court doesn’t mean that want to overthrow your nation’s government. Duterte isn’t irrational. He prefers to work with China to resolve the dispute in a mutually beneficial way. He agrees with an influential Filipino commentator: “Relations between China and the Philippines should go beyond the South China Sea issue.”\nScarborough Shoal has become an abstraction for everything commentators dislike in China: North Korea’s nuclear program, “aerial intrusions” in the East China Sea, “seaborne incursions” in Okinawa Prefecture, human-rights abuses, aircraft demonstrations when U.S. defense secretaries are visiting Beijing, the “calculated humiliation” at the G-20 summit, “economic and trade matters,” and “environmental degradation” in the South China Sea. Among such commentators, the solution is obvious: reinforced U.S. primacy, stronger regional alliances and the trumpeting of America’s “undoubted ability to prevail.”\n\nTo make Scarborough Shoal—or any other rock or reef of the South China Sea—serve as an abstract picture containing every complaint the United States has about China is foolish and dangerous. Political scientists have shown that territory is already the single issue any two states are most likely to fight over. Packing all other issues of contention into a territorial dispute—an exercise in grab-bag hawkishness—is a certain way to enflame the territorial dispute and to make it unsolvable.\nThere is nothing new here. In the spring of 1913, Russian foreign minister Sergey Sazonov told Serbian prime minister Nikola Pašić, who was eager to extend Serbian territory into the former Ottoman state of Albania, that Russia was not going to risk a war with Austria-Hungary over a few small towns. Pašić replied:\nHere it is not a matter of Djakova, Dibra and Scutari, but the question is: Is Russia with its friends stronger or weaker than Austria and its friends? The whole Slavic world and everybody else will consider Russia defeated through the policy and threats of Austria. The belief and confidence in Russia will not only be weakened, but it will be annihilated, and the Austrian-German policy will triumph.\n\nThis was what dispute abstraction looked like before World War I. Aware that Russia had no actual territorial interest in the small towns of Albania, Pašić abstracted the issue into one of prestige and credibility, attempting to make the dispute a “trial of strength” between Russia and Austria-Hungary (and its ally Germany).\n\nToday in the South China Sea, the Philippines is opting out of dispute abstraction. Duterte apparently cares about rehab centers more than unpopulated reefs, and has decided that the costs of antagonizing China outweigh the benefits of cooperating with it. But segments of America’s foreign policy elite disagree. These elites desire to abstract the territorial disputes of the South and East China Seas into a modern-day “trial of strength.” That is what all the tough talk of “indecent” naval operations and drawing lines in the sand is about. The specific issue hardly matters. According to these elites, China must be put in its place. The way to do this is to reassert American primacy.\n\nSuch a perspective is myopic, ahistorical, and foolish. In 1914, a trial of strength turned into a world war. In 432 BC, the Corinthians convinced the Spartans that they should stand up to Athens using four arguments. First, they said, Athens was growing stronger and Sparta had done nothing to check its growing power. Second, the Corinthians explained how the Athenians “gradually encroach upon their neighbors,” or what critics today call “salami slicing.” Third, they declared, “The likeliest way of securing peace is . . . to make it perfectly plain that one is resolved not to tolerate aggression” (Thucydides, 1.71)—i.e., to pursue a policy of deterrence. And finally, the Corinthians argued that Sparta had to maintain its “greatness.” Today, we say “primacy,” but the idea is the same. Back in 432 BC, the Spartans were convinced by the argument of the Corinthians, and in 431 a war broke out between Sparta and Athens that would last twenty-seven years and end the Athenian Golden Age. Today, we—the United States and China—risk walking down the same road to war. \nDuterte is no fool. He has stepped off the road to war by rejecting the abstraction of disputes. That means considering each dispute individually, seeking to understand the other side’s argument, refraining from pursuing a moralistic or legalistic position, and recognizing that in a world with multiple great powers, the only way to live at peace is to ignore areas of minor disagreement and to respect one another’s vital interests. If, in your reading of history, you find that being pushy is a better way to get along, by all means, speak up. If not, then no more myopia, abstraction and presumption about other states’ purported interests, please.\nJared McKinney is a Non-Resident Fellow at the Pangoal Institute in Beijing, a Junior Non-Resident Fellow at the Center for the National Interest in Washington, DC, and an incoming Ph.D student in International Relations at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.![philippines_2.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmRA8Frt7Puzsz8apCJ8cPHPXmkXNZ3oQyYf8cFNULRgKb/philippines_2.jpg)![sona_2016_1.png](https://steemitimages.com/DQme8eR6TWYgvCPBe3Wwyu3FBxALFAKbbUFTDC4zyebX7E3/sona_2016_1.png)",
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      "title": "Why Rodrigo Duterte Hates America",
      "body": "President Rodrigo Duterte’s may have rowed back from his shock decision to “separate” from the United States announced during his recent visit to China, but the bizarre episode reinforces the picture of a very different Philippine leader who proudly calls himself a socialist and has had long-standing linkages to the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP).\n\nLeaving aside the 71-year-old leader’s foul mouth and crude and often erratic behavior, his early political education helps explain his anti-US stance, slamming President Barack Obama as the “son of a whore” and, to the bemusement of the Chinese, now distancing himself from Washington ‘in military and in economics’.\n\n\nDuterte’s envoy to China, former president Fidel Ramos—a West Point graduate with a strong military following—refused to join his Beijing delegation and recently issued a stinging critique of the president’s first 100 days in office.\n\nUp until then much of the criticism had centered on Duterte’s draconian, though internally-popular, law and order policy. But that’s now been overshadowed by his outreach to China, which has alarmed the country’s military and political elite to a degree that may prove destabilizing if it continues.\n\nOutside of the Philippines, core ASEAN members have been left wondering whether a rough-edged former city mayor fully understands the strategic significance of turning his back on a treaty partner and the only power that can keep China in check in the contested South China Sea.\n\nOf course, what has always made Duterte different is that while he was born into a political dynasty, the first president from Mindanao doesn’t consider himself part of the Philippine ruling class or the feudal system cemented in place by paternalism, private armies and decades of largesse.\n\nMost of the Philippines’ 16 presidents have come from those powerful families. The only previous leaders without elitist credentials were Ramos, who could have transformed the Philippines if he had been allowed a second term, and actor Joseph Estrada, who was an unmitigated disaster.\n\nThe son of a Davao provincial governor, Duterte grew up with strong nationalistic sentiments that  became more pronounced during his university years when he studied political science under Jose Maria Sison, the long-exiled founder of the country’s communist movement.\n\nSison was to plant the seeds of resentment against perceived US imperialism, similar to that shared by many left-leaning activists and politicians who, although in a minority, were the driving force behind the enforced closure of Subic and Clark bases in the early 1990s.\n\nThe CPP has praised Duterte for his anti-American stand, saying in a recent statement that “the situation now exists for the forging of a patriotic alliance between his anti-US regime and the revolutionary and patriotic forces.” While Sison has often criticized Duterte for being arrogant and having a “loose mouth,” he also calls him a friend and says he is the one person who offers the best chance of ending the 47-year communist insurgency, one of three left in the world.\n\nAs a young lawyer, Duterte was a strong opponent of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos and  reportedly arranged meetings between foreign journalists and local communist leaders in the early 1980s when the CPP was in full flower.\n\nWhen he was elected mayor of Davao city in early 1988, Duterte was quick to embrace the Alsa Masa, a rag-tag vigilante force formed to end a campaign of terror unleashed on the country’s third largest city by elements of the New People’s Army (NPA), the CPP’s armed wing. The Alsa Masa’s ‘godfather’ was Davao city police chief Franco Calida, whose younger brother, Jose, is the solicitor-general in Duterte’s Cabinet and a strong supporter of the President’s controversial anti-drug campaign.\n\nBy the time Duterte took office, roving bands of vigilantes, mostly criminals and NPA turn-coats, had killed hundreds of suspected NPA operatives, but if the mayor’s open backing of the Alsa Masa seemed to be paradoxical, his motives may have been very different from Calida’s. Former NDF members suspect he was actually supporting the CPP central committee in its ongoing purge of urban revolutionaries, who had deviated from the party’s Maoist line and were bringing the CPP into disrepute.\n\nLaw and order was always a Duterte priority, however. When he was reappointed mayor in 2001, after a two-year stint in Congress, the now-moribund Alsa Masa was replaced by the mysterious Davao Death Squad (DDS). In the years that followed, the DDS was implicated in 1,400 vigilante-style executions of mostly petty criminals, which led to a vast improvement in public security in a city that was once known as the murder capital of the Philippines.\n\nDuterte’s distaste for the US was further fuelled in May 2002 when US federal agents allegedly aided in the escape of American ‘treasure hunter’ Michael Meiring after he accidentally triggered an explosive device in his Davao hotel room.\n\nThe president-to-be was later denied a US visa and has since adamantly opposed joint US–Philippine  military exercises and operations in Mindanao, including—apparently—an American effort in 2013 to station drones at Davao airport While the US has criticized Duterte’s latest killing spree, it has wisely avoided being drawn into a more serious confrontation. The president has modified his position since returning to Manila, saying he didn’t intend to sever relations.\nBut it hardly matches what Washington likes to call an ‘iron-clad’ relationship. The question now is whether military and vested political and business interests will allow such an uncertain situation to continue in a country that, as Duterte well knows, generally idolizes its former colonial master.![president_rodrigo_duterte_080816.jpg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmamag4LNCu5yV7QKLLcsgVJc4Deu2zQ6VTNZn1bqy2Yz3/president_rodrigo_duterte_080816.jpg)",
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      "body": "“Until the armed forces and the police say that the Philippines is safe, this martial law will continue,” Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte said during a crisis management visit to Mindanao, suddenly the epicenter of terror group Islamic State’s thrust into Southeast Asia.\n\n“I will not listen to anyone else, be it the Supreme Court, congressmen. They’re not here.”\n\n\nThe tough-talking, popularly elected Filipino president has again raised the specter of forging a full-blown dictatorship, sparking fears he could veer the country back towards the iron fisted, rights abusing rule seen under former autocrat Ferdinand Marcos.\n\nMarcos leveraged a deteriorating security situation in 1972, characterized by mysterious bombs in the capital and a rising communist insurgency, to impose over a decade of emergency rule that brooked no opposition. Duterte has repeatedly warned he may extend martial law beyond his home island of Mindanao across the entire country if Islamic militants strike other areas.\n\nThe controversial leader provoked a global outcry by quipping that he would stand “shoulder to shoulder” with his soldiers even if they committed rape while waging war.\n\nLegal experts and human rights advocates said that Duterte could potentially be prosecuted if such statements were construed as encouraging war crimes. Presidential aides have said Duterte’s comments were merely “heightened bravado” and not calls to rape and pillage.\n\nDuterte’s controversial statements were likely meant to communicate his support for the military and security forces, which are now charged with implementing his martial law order. The comments also likely aimed to strike fear into the hearts of his opponents, namely the Islamic State affiliated groups which have laid a bloody siege to the city of Marawi.\n\nThe Philippine military claims that it is taking back full control of the besieged city, the largest in the Muslim-majority region of the Philippines. Reports from the ground suggest that the government is waging a tortuous and risky urban warfare, which may last for weeks if not months.\n\nAlmost the entirety of the city’s population has fled in fear and desperation, but a significant number have stayed behind to protect their belongings from theft and destruction. This has raised the risk of civilian casualties and placed constraints on the government’s military operations, which have included aerial bombardments.\n\nThe government is perturbed by reports that foreign fighters, possibly even from the Middle East but definitely from neighboring Indonesia, Malaysia and even Singapore, have been involved in the Marawi clashes.  If true, it marks a precarious internationalization of Mindanao’s long-running conflict.\n\nAs the first Filipino president from Mindanao, Duterte is under extraordinary pressure to not only eliminate the threat of IS infiltration into the Philippines, but also to end the conflict in his home island, one of his top campaign promises.\n\nWhile rights advocates and political opponents have rung alarm bells over Duterte’s declaration of martial law, the order has won support across the wider political establishment and apparently a broad cross-section of the general public that fears the violence seen in Marawi city could spread across the country without a firm government response.\n\nAccording to the Philippine Constitution, the president will have to secure the approval of the legislature to sustain and extend martial law beyond its initial 60-day limit.\n\nDuterte currently enjoys super-majority support in the lower house, but has faced stiff resistance in the upper-house Senate, where independent as well as opposition members have often openly criticized the president’s conduct and policies.\n\nSeveral of them have already strongly opposed any extension of martial law beyond Mindanao while seeking full congressional approval of the declaration.\n\nDuterte’s allies, however, have managed to stifle that opposition. Fifteen of 23 senators have filed a resolution affirming the legality and validity of Duterte’s executive order. Voting 12-9, Duterte’s allies also struck down a resolution, filed by opposition members, to convene a joint session of both houses of Congress to collectively assess the legal grounds for martial law, as required by the Philippine constitution.\n\nThis is the fourth time in Philippine history that an elected president has resorted to martial law to address a security crisis. The first came under Jose P Laurel, a transitional leader during the Japanese occupation of the Philippines in 1944. Then came president-turned-dictator Marcos, who assumed full emergency powers in 1972 until his dethronement in 1986.\n\nPrior to Dutetre, the most recent declaration was by the highly unpopular President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who declared martial law in the province of Maguindanao for only eight days in December 2009. Both Marcos and Laurel, however, maintained long-term martial law which contributed to their eventual downfalls.\n\nOther democratically-elected presidents, namely Fidel Ramos (1992-1998), Joseph Estrada (1998-2001), and Benigno Aquino (2010-2016), all refused to declare martial law even when faced with large-scale rebellion and similar clashes with extremist groups in Mindanao.\n\nDuterte is now focused on soliciting assistance from other major rebel groups, including the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the Moro National Liberation Front, and communist insurgent groups, to fight against IS-affiliates like Maute Group and the Abu Sayaff Group, both involved in the Marawi city siege.\n\nThe government has peace deals in place with MNLF and MILF, Islamic groups that would on the surface appear to be natural allies with IS-affiliated militant groups. After dedicating much of his first year in office to a brutal campaign against illegal drugs, Duterte is now scrambling to address a security crisis with complicated international dimensions. While his initial resort to tough security measures is in line with his hard-knuckled rule, it will take all of his diplomatic and political skills to halt Islamic State’s march into a volatile region long skeptical of Manila’s rule.![sona_2016_1.png](https://steemitimages.com/DQme8eR6TWYgvCPBe3Wwyu3FBxALFAKbbUFTDC4zyebX7E3/sona_2016_1.png)",
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      "title": "",
      "body": "@@ -468,8 +468,31 @@\n tuation.\n+ Upvoted and Resteemed.\n",
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      "body": "@@ -342,8 +342,134 @@\n ogether.\n+ I hope that the people of the Phillipines are able to maintain control of their own country through this difficult situation.\n",
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      "body": "Daaaaayyyymn! I mean DAAAAYYYYYYYYYMN \n\nFirstly I do feel sorry for you being with a partner who is awful at sex, and do commend you for not cheating on him with another man. But for your marriage sake (and the sake of purchasing batteries every week for your vibrators) why don't you just coach him. Tell him exactly how you want it rather than falsely empowering him?",
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      "body": "Thank u",
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      "body": "Thank you for explaining what is going on in the Phillipines. It seems like it is becoming harder and harder to get real, actual news in the U.S. any more - so it was very interesting for me to read about this situation from the point-of-view of someone who is closer to the ground. Thanks again for explaining all of this. It was well put-together.",
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      "author": "jesson",
      "permlink": "confessions-of-a-cheating-wife",
      "title": "Confessions Of A Cheating Wife",
      "body": "He is painting my body around our house, we started on the kitchen counter and now we are on the floor in front of the fireplace. No lights, no television, no phones, just the glare from the fire going. Pictures of us from high school hang on the wall, memories before the baby — when things were still alive. He is my first love, my best friend and my husband but his sex is horrible! Boring, uncoordinated, too fast and too slow. His penis size is already enough to compromise with but his head is so cruddy it is infuriating yet saddening at the same time.The other night after we finished I cried, literally, I was so disappointed.\nLove causes me to stay, love is the reason that while he’s eating me like a teenaged virgin who is blindfolded and missing a tongue I imagine my other lovers; Kevin and how perfectly he licks my noni, I picture his head in between my legs instead of my husband’s. I’m picturing his long black hair braided back while his pale face sucks my insides out. The more I picture the nights I spent in his bed I’m drifting into a space where this has become enjoyable. I picture my female playmate, Roy and her incredible green eyes looking up at me as I look down on her. She always kissed my noni right before the moment of climax — while my body was convulsing in the air she would stop and kiss my outer lips twice and say thank you... it was her signature move and left me on edge waiting for her mouth to return and please me every time.\nWhy when the sex is bad does it seem like men are more dramatic? I can barely feel him inside of me and yet he’s making noises like he’s killing me. He’s grabbing me in all the wrong places, it took him three minutes to even put it in. I mean we’ve been together for so many years you would think he’d know me by now. My professor knows me well, he would grab me with both hands one on each side just the way I like it. He would grab me and pound me onto his long black shaft. I wouldn’t be able to talk If I was bent over his desk like I am every Monday night when my husband is busy with meetings. Sometimes I wonder if he knows deep down that his sex could never be enough to keep me with only him; he went ballistic when I suggested we go to a swingers’ party and try new things. I tried to make it seem like it was about him, telling him how it would turn me on to watch him fuck another woman in the hope he would be down to go so I could relieve my needs. I booked a event in the city where the party was held and went anyway. Why should I miss out because he’s not open to new things?\nI love this man more than anything in the world so instead of telling him how I felt about his garbage ass sex I moaned like it was the best I ever had in my life. I grabbed the sheets for things that weren’t there, let my eyes roll back, called him daddy — I wanted him to feel like the man. He is the man, the man I love, just not the man who can please me sexually. I was reminiscing about a one night stand I had in Boston when he finally came and this nutless torture was over. The routine is the same every time; he uses the bathroom, smokes a cigarette and falls asleep. I wait till I hear him start to snore before I head to the shower and bring my vibrator to make up for what he lacked thirty minutes ago.\nI couldn’t imagine being in a sexless marriage, I barely have sexless friendships. I have a drawer full of toys and a collection of home videos for self use. Although I hate these sessions, I have to do them to keep my marriage alive, to make him feel loved. I don’t dwell on what just happened for long, because tomorrow is Monday.![[email protected]](https://steemitimages.com/DQmYomz12mam9pYLe6KtxyK7U8mzdU2uZ9LKsjAj4KT9nVv/1-TETZARBmoQQahOXQNe6p-w%402x.jpeg)![received_10208758162419566.jpeg](https://steemitimages.com/DQmVDxmTfRVcYhJkn9jzD9kxjZtVVxLH2zWLWYNJMSU6nqm/received_10208758162419566.jpeg)",
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      "body": "Nice post kuya! Gave u an upvote ♥follow me if u want :)",
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