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      "body": "Introduction:\n\nThis paper explores the way unresolved conflict from pre- and perinatal phases shapes social and cultural values. My premise is that religious ideas about human nature are operative in Western culture. These ideas derive from a specific interpretation of the Biblical creation myth. I want to clarify this by examining the creation myth from the subjective perspective of the child. This approach reveals the allegory of the Garden of Eden and the expulsion of Adam and Eve as a metaphor of birth and separation. This allows us to consider how our earliest formative experiences predispose us toward specific beliefs about ourselves, and how these beliefs are reproduced at the societal level. At the same time, I posit the possibility of ‘therapeutic integration’ as something implicit in an awareness of the way birth and separation shape outlook and behaviour. This awareness may empower us to distinguish between social and cultural practices that are harmful and ineffective and practices that promote health and wellbeing in their fullest possible sense.      \n\nPrelude to Transformation \n \nBeliefs and assumptions about who we are, where we come from, what happens when we die and so on shape our ideas about the purpose and meaning of our lives and hence, the choices we make. This is precisely why society and culture have an urgent interest in perpetuating certain beliefs, especially those directly relevant to the production of power. But the interests of love, support, respect, something meaningful and interesting to do, health and justice are sometimes diametrically opposed to the policies pursued by society. This begs the question whether and what specific beliefs about human nature justify these policies. To answer this question, let us examine how theological ideas from the past translated into concrete social and cultural practices. \n\nTheology draws on the relationship between man and God to reach certain conclusions about human nature. But those conclusions cannot be accepted a priori; many of the religious assumptions that inspired theology have been disproved or discredited. They nonetheless played an important role as a foundation for moral ideas. A critical examination of how theologians derived these moral ideas from their claims about human nature will enable us to identify distinct elements of the interpretative process. This in turn empowers us to see how these interpretations translate into distinct social and cultural realities.\n\nLet us adopt for a moment the perspective of a child. It is my opinion that this perspective is central to understanding the account of Adam and Eve’s expulsion from the Garden of Eden. This allegory, deals with the separation of man and God. As such, it became the basis for Augustine’s ‘Original Sin’ and thus a source of conceptions of human fallibility and corruption that profoundly shaped the Christian world. \n\n    The world as we encounter it today is, as it were, living proof of Augustine’s theological claim that man is fallible and corrupt from inception. But is the state of the world really proof that human beings are inherently flawed or evil? Augustine may have missed the point when he interpreted the eating of the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge as a deliberate act of rebellion against God. If Adam and Eve were innocent prior to eating the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge, then Augustine’s accusation makes no sense. But the eating of the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge occasions a dramatic change of awareness —symbolised in a sense of guilt and shame, and ‘hiding from God’. This new consciousness signals a fundamental change in the relationship between man and God. Is this account historical, or should it be read as a metaphor?\n\nThe symbolic elements of the story of the Garden of Eden could just as easily, and with much more justification, be interpreted as referring to the womb and to birth. But this interpretation relies heavily on our ability and willingness to explore the entirely subjective perspective of the child. \n\nThis idea is difficult to grasp because most people have difficulty recalling birth, especially if it was particularly traumatic. That may be the case if something went wrong in the womb, or if a child is born to parents who don’t love and respect it, or if it experiences violence and deprivation in early life. In addition, birth symbolism and references to the subjective life of the child such as encountered in mythology, have largely been eliminated, or undergone reinterpretation in Christian theology. They have also been ignored by mainstream psychoanalytical movements. Without a positive context for this subject we are pretty on our own when it comes to identifying and exploring birth related material. \n\nWhere Augustine posited separation from God as the ‘eternal condition of Man’, I believe that the allegory of the Garden of Eden actually presents a key to the restoration of our ‘relationship to God’. This restoration can, in my view, be accomplished through the ‘healing’ or ‘integration’ of birth related trauma. This healing process significantly enhances the clarity with which we enter into dialogue with ourselves. The reason why is best summarised in the language of psychoanalysis as the elimination of unconsciously repressed material that prevents us from engaging with emotions and intuitions that we need in order to decide what is truly important to us. \n\nIt is in this sense that we must acknowledge the impact of Augustine’s legacy; the entire edifice of Western culture and thought is constructed, so to speak, on a religious account of our relationship to an external supernatural authority. This account fails to acknowledge the de facto unity of man and divine and posits in its place eternal separation. But the interpretation I have proposed suggests that this separation can be resolved by overcoming the pain, shame and existential uncertainty of birth and separation. Implicit, it this interpretation, is the notion of a restoration of the sacred union, a concept referred to in the Judaic tradition as “Tikkun Olam” or the healing of the world.\n  \nImplications:\n\nTo recapitulate, what I am actually saying is that the idea of God, or the divine, is something that points to our own deepest selves, that there is, as it were, a memory of the blissful union with our creator that draws us into a dialogue with ourselves. Pain, fear, guilt and shame act as obstacles to this dialogue. This is why concepts of good and evil, Sin and guilt are so dysfunctional. To enter into the divine dialogue within, we need to overcome these obstacles. This is easier when we actually understand what they are, where they come from and why they exist.  \n\nThis idea is not new; many cultures developed some awareness of the dynamics of birth or unwittingly adopted ‘religious’ and ‘healing’ practices utilising some of those dynamics. Amongst the most powerful of these practices are undoubtedly those using psychoactive substances to produce a dramatic reenactment of birth and death. Such traditions are replete with references to the womb and to birth and this is not a coincidence. It is not a coincidence that the allegory of the Garden of Eden can so easily serve as a metaphor of birth and of the cognitive and existential transformation we experience when we are ‘expelled from the womb’ and ‘separated from our Creator’.\n\nThese cultures evolved a range of practices to promote integration. In similar fashion we could ask whether, to what extent awareness of the potential for integration might empower us in our efforts to create a more healthy and humane society.\nBecause our emotional needs are modelled on our earliest and most primary experiences of attachment, an inability to find a new repository for them in later life leaves us in a state of perpetual emotional dependency. Failure to identify the source of these emotional needs is thus accompanied by a failure to recognise how they can be transformed, or even that they can be transformed. Consequently, we have to accept the ‘alienated’ condition of mankind as the default. And this default mode then becomes the model for all social and cultural institutions. Awareness of the potential for integration challenges us to reimagine those social and cultural institutions as ‘midwives’ to a sort of spiritual liberation. \n\nCopyright Daniel Waterman, 2018.",
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      "body": "This looks like spam",
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      "body": "@@ -479,8 +479,199 @@\n enocide.\n+%0A%0AI have posted an extensive commentary on abuses of the term antisemitism at: https://labour-antisemitism.info The articles on that website were what got me repeatedly removed from Facebook.\n",
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      "body": "Fully agree with this article except that I am of the opinion that the definition anti-semitism ought to include a caveat for institutionalisation. Antisemitism only truly became a disastrous problem when it became institutionalised and legitimised by politics and the media. This is true of all forms of discrimination; when courts of law, politicians and media encourage or fail to discourage acts of brutality, derision and violence against minorities this paves the way to Genocide.",
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      "body": "Congratulations @dolong! You have completed some achievement on Steemit and have been rewarded with new badge(s) :\n\n[![](https://steemitimages.com/70x70/http://steemitboard.com/notifications/firstcomment.png)](http://steemitboard.com/@dolong) You made your First Comment\n\n<sub>_Click on the badge to view your Board of Honor._</sub>\n<sub>_If you no longer want to receive notifications, reply to this comment with the word_ `STOP`</sub>\n\n\nTo support your work, I also upvoted your post!\n\n\n> Do you like [SteemitBoard's project](https://steemit.com/@steemitboard)? Then **[Vote for its witness](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=steemitboard&approve=1)** and **get one more award**!",
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      "body": "Actually, Venezuela is what happens when you try Socialism and the US tries everything it can to undermine you",
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      "body": "I expect you have never yourself lived under any form of totalitarian rule else you would not make such silly remarks. The title of this post really makes no sense at all ... and has nothing whatsoever to do with reality. Why don't you do a little research and actually learn what is going on ... ?",
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      "author": "dolong",
      "body": "Copyright Daniel Waterman, February 1, 2018\n\nThis article is really about free speech and the extent to which social media platforms like\nFacebook and Twitter have become a new front line in political activism. My thesis is that\nthe free exchanges of opinion as well as the slanging matches that frequently characterise\nposts on Social Media present an important challenge for political parties championing free\nspeech and more democracy, and that the examples I am about to present, of an\ninterference by a registered UK charity, pose an extra challenge to those who believe free\nspeech is more important than strict, ideological discipline along party lines — that it is\nactually a fundamental part of the political process that political parties should encourage\nand participate in rather that discourage and suppress. Indeed, I will go further and claim\nthat the transparency of Social Media exposes each and everyone of us to dangerous\nlevels of ‘thought policing’ and that state political institutions need to adopt rigorous\nguidelines on how to respond to this growing potential for frank and direct exchanges as\nwell as to attempts by various organisations to exploit such exchanges as a way to limit\nfree speech, monitor and control behaviour.\n\nWhat follows is an e-mail I received from the Campaign Against Anti-Semitism, a registered\nUK charity that acts as a self-appointed watchdog. I am not qualified to hazard guesses as\nto who exactly funds the CAA however it is well-known that the adoption of the particular\ndefinition of Anti-Semitism referred to in this e-mail (reproduced in its entirety) is\ncontroversial, and that many experts warned the UK government that adopting a definition\nthat included criticism of Israel would not only increase the number of accusations and their\narbitrariness but also undermine the credibility of the definition to such a degree that it\nbecomes entirely useless. Lets begin with the CAA’s e-mail and accusations:\n\nThe CAA’s accusations\n\nMr Waterman,\nI am writing to you from Campaign Against Anti-Semitism to seek your urgent comment on\na matter about which we will shortly be publishing an article. The matter is set out below.\nPlease respond by 17:00 UK time on 1st February.\n\nWe can reveal that author, Labour Party member and Momentum activist Daniel Waterman\nhas, for a number of years, been making extensive use of Facebook, posting anti-Semitic\nmaterial under the pseudonym Dolong B Blavats.\n\nAs long ago as August 2014, Mr Waterman claimed that compulsive behaviour related to\nthe Holocaust was causing Israelis to behave like Nazis. It is a theme to which he regularly\nreturns, asserting only last month, while referring to mandatory military service for young\nIsraelis, that “Our young people are still mindlessly following orders just like the Nazis!”\n\nThe International Definition of Anti-Semitism clearly identifies “drawing comparisons of\ncontemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis” as a manifestation of anti-Semitism.\nIn November 2015, Mr Waterman condemned the wearing of a kippah or a star of David in\npublic, comparing it to the waving of the Nazi flag during the Nazi ascent in Germany, and\ndemanded that Jews eschew the practice in order to distance themselves from what he\ndescribed as “Israel’s terrorism against Palestinians”. He went on to insist that failure to\nfollow his advice would mark Jews as “provocateurs” and “belligerent fools”, and render\nthem responsible for any hostility they encountered.\n\nIn January 2017, he accused a Jewish journalist and “the entire rest of the pro-Israel pro-\nZionist community” of being “the real self-hating Jews”, and made the assertion that their\nprotests against the anti-Semitism that is now prevalent within Labour are a conspiracy to\nfear-monger and silence criticism of Israel.\n\nIn February 2017, he posted an apparent reference to the six million Jews murdered by the\nNazis, writing: “Breaking News: 6 Million Jews Found Unharmed! Apparently it was all a\nprank!”\n\nIn September 2017, he accused “other Jews” of “s***ting all over the Holocaust”, adding\nthat he was “ready to give it up and ‘just’ be a human being”.\n\nIn the same month he posted what was presumably intended to be a joke: “Hey I have a\ngood idea! Why don't we have another World War? I missed all the good bits at the end of\nthe last one!” On being told this was not funny, he replied “Really, I thought WWII was a\ngas!”, in an apparent reference to gas chambers used by the Nazis to industrialise the\ngenocide of European Jewry.\n\nMr Waterman has also given fulsome praise to Gilad Atzmon, who was disavowed by\nPalestinian activists because of the virulence of his anti-Semitism, and whose book, The\nWandering Who, was described as “...quite probably the most anti-Semitic book published\nin this country in recent years.” Despite this, Mr Waterman appeared to be overjoyed that\nMr Atzmon had agreed to review the drafts of his new book and at the possibility of his\ncontributing a chapter.\n\nThese examples are just a small selection of comments representing views that have no\nplace in our public life.\n\nThe Labour Party and Momentum must now expel Mr Waterman.\n\nMr Waterman is also manager at Dutch locksmiths Slotenmaker Den Haag.\n\nMy response:\n\nDear all, its great that the CAA finally got its facts right, except for one or two minor issues:\nSince I am Jewish, the proper term is not anti-Semite, unless you believe, seriously, that I\nhate myself, the proper term to use here is “self-hating Jew” which is, as you know, an\naccusation Jews most often use against each other when they have any sort of disagreement, ranging from the taste and temperature of humus to the meaning of the\nHolocaust.\n\nSecondly, the way the CAA have quoted my remarks unfortunately does not clarify whether\nthey were meant in jest, cynically, or responses to things other people on social media\nposts were saying which one might echo and amplify to demonstrate how absurd they are.\nThis is the problem when quoting out of context, as the CAA does in its hysterical witchhunt\nagainst perceived Anti-Semitism.\n\nI had been wondering how long it would take for the witch hunters to finally respond to my\nposts and I welcome the opportunity to respond to their absurd accusations any time, as\nlong as it is in a public hearing and they pay all the expenses for making false accusations.\nI hesitate to add that my credentials as a campaigner against the CAA and other\norganisations witch-hunt as well as against racism, conspiracy theory, distortion and denial\nof the Holocaust are above question. I can refer to any number of online discussions and\npublications if you need a more extensive look at my work, my ideas, etc. Critical inquiry is\ndefinitely part of my repertoire but it certainly does not extend to Holocaust denial or anti-\nSemitism. Indeed, the casual way in which the CAA makes use of what it terms\n“International Definition of Anti-Semitism” is enormously demeaning to the term and the\nphenomenon itself. All my grandparents died in concentration camps and my mother was a\n‘hidden child’ just like Anne Frank, and I take exception to the distortions inherent in the\nCAAs definition of anti-Semitism which extend the term not only to criticism of Israel but\nalso across the past 80 years, which means they are trying to compare the situation of\nJews prior to and throughout the Nazi reign to that of Jews today, an absurd idea.\nCriticism of Jews as Jews is markedly different from criticism of a national entity like a\nnation state, especially when one criticises that state for not living up to its obligation under\nInternational agreements. Whether or not a state does actually honour international\nagreements is of course one of the criteria for its being considered a legitimate state at all.\nBut the simple fact is that one can criticise a state without criticising its citizens because\nthese are two entirely distinct things.\n\nIn sum, I urge you to treat the accusations of the CAA as the absurd childish, vindictive\noverreactions they are. We have far more urgent matters to take care of in Labour UK.\nI hope you will agree with me that cutting words and short sentences out of a persons social\nmedia posts is not exactly a good way to go about establishing anything beyond a shadow\nof a doubt as social media is usually conversational, and in conversation people make use\nof jargon and all kinds of shortcuts and snappy responses that sound very strange when\ntaken out of context. I am, and will always be, critical of Israel, as I am critical of all other\ncountries that regularly flout human rights and international conventions. I also have\ncertainly made comparisons between developments in Israel and the rise of Fascism in\nEurope. I will continue to do so, though not as arbitrarily and without grounds as the CAA\nuse the term anti-Semitism.\n\nOne last point: the CAAs use of the term anti-Semitism is so broad as to discourage Free\nSpeech. The CAAs snooping around on Facebook to ‘gather evidence’ also acts as a\nconstraint op Free Speech. As an activist I believe it is good that Social Media provides a\nspace for confrontation and debate on a wide range of issues, and I do not doubt this\noccasionally also includes people who espouse ‘tropes’ and ‘conspiracy theories’. I myself\nhave confronted such people on many occasions. My exchanges with Gilad Atzmon\nconcerning some of his more controversial statements have been challenging, but having\nread The Wandering Who? I have difficulty imaging that anyone could gather from his\ncriticism of Israel and the way some groups use the Holocaust to stifle criticism that Atzmon\nis an anti-Semite. I have on many occasions taken him to task on his generalisations and\nhis general lack of knowledge as well as his cynicism, an attitude I am all too familiar with\nas I lived in Israel for 5 years and I understand the disillusion that many people there\nexperience.\n\nMy aim in these exchanges with Atzmon has always been to encourage reconciliation with\na broader group of left-wing critics who are concerned about Labour policy re. Israel and\nthe occupation. At no time during these exchanges have I ever made a secret of my\ncriticism of Atzmon’s more radical statements which the author unfortunately borrows from\nthe so-called ‘alt-right’. There are others within the circles I frequent on Facebook that\nespouse altogether more silly or extreme ideas. The whole idea of social media is that one\nfrequently rubs shoulders with people one disagrees with. Hardly incriminating stuff, really,\nunless we were living in East Germany during the communist era.\n\nYours sincerely, Daniel Waterman\n\nPreliminary remarks:\n\nThe CAAs investigation of my posts on Social Media represent to me an intolerable and\nunjustifiable invasion of my privacy, particularly with respect to the potential threat implicit\nin their e-mail to ‘expose me to the Labour NEC’ and demand my expulsion from the party.\nThis represents, in my opinion, an unprecedented level of interference with my political\nfreedom of choice since political party’s have never before concerned themselves with the\nprivate thoughts of the electorate or even their public statements, nor, quite obviously with\ntheir criminal records, past behaviour, moral status, or what the neighbours say about them.\nThe policies of the Labour party are public knowledge and one can vote for them or abstain\nor vote for another party but they are in any case, we hope, determined on the basis of a\ndemocratic transparent process of debate, reflection and collaboration that would,\nhopefully, eliminate anyone who disagrees with their policies or discourage them from\nvoting. I therefore do not see how it could possibly benefit the Labour party to snoop\naround on people’s Social Media posts, or for that matter eavesdrop on their private\nconversations, except perhaps in the hope of better attuning policy to the needs and\nexpectations of the electorate?\n\nThe CAA’s use of the term anti-Semitism and its threat to have me expelled from Labour\nthus represents a priori, an attempt to interject itself into internal party political affairs which\nis at the very least remarkable as this ‘charity’ by no means has any legal authority to\ndetermine who is allowed to be a member of the Labour party or who the party should or\nshould not accept as a member.\n\nOne may argue that the CAA’s role herein is merely advisory, but the amount of snooping\ninvolved in compiling its accusations suggests that the CAA takes its role much more\nseriously, that it is actually involved in compiling evidence so as to prepare the way for\nlegal action or for some sort of exercise of power rather than merely drawing attention to a\nmatter of Labour internal policy. Its aim is clearly to bring pressure to bear to force the\nNEC’s hand.\n\nBe that as it may, and I am by no means condoning or belittling anti-Semitism, I have\nalready argued in my reply to their accusations that the quotes were taken out of context.\nThe CAA selectively picked from texts and posts to make their point that I am either an anti-\nSemite, or that something I wrote on Facebook is anti-Semitic, or that I am guilty by\nassociation.\n\nI do not intend to counter these accusations as I have already responded to them in my\nreply to the CAA and they are completely unfounded and spurious. Neither does the CAA\nhave any particular authority in the matter of what is or is not anti-Semitic or who is or is not\nan anti-Semite. Indeed, being an anti-Semite or making anti-Semitic statements, shameful\nand stupid as it is, is not a crime in itself. Incitement to violence and statements clearly\nintended to cause harm are crimes. However, here too, a fine lines separates statements\nthat are merely hurtful or insulting, including criticism, from ‘hate speech’.\n\nThe CAA: a self-appointed Watchdog\n\nThe problem here is that the CAA is a self-appointed watchdog that is attempting to do the\nwork of the Labour party itself, not merely by ‘gathering evidence’ and bringing it to the\nattention of the NEC, but also by using a contested and overly broad definition of anti-\nSemitism that includes legitimate criticism of Israel and Jewish organisations and also\nincludes jokes, sarcastic statements, and a great deal of other things that political parties\nshould not, in my opinion, have to police, precisely because these are already policed by\nthe police, secret services and media, and furthermore because political parties primary\nwork is to create favourable conditions for the peaceful arbitration of social conflicts, in\nother words, conditions that reduce social conflict and racist xenophobia. Policing these\nthings is not within their ambit.\n\nAs an example of the way the mandate for defining something anti-Semitic may become\noverly broad and imprecise consider e.g. the name of the US based ‘Anti-Defamation\nLeague’ (ADL) which views its mandate as extending, as its title suggests, to any statement\nor communication that can be considered ‘defamatory’ to Jews, Jewish organisations,\nJewish culture, the Jewish faith, Zionism, Israel, perhaps even Jewish cooking.\nBy formulating a definition of antisemitism in an overly broad manner, the term can refer to\nboth acts like defacing or damaging tombstones in a Jewish cemetery or encouraging\nprejudices and violence toward Jews as well as to referring to someone of Jewish ancestry\nas a ‘dirty Jew’ following a disagreement or because the Jew in question is actually ‘dirty’. It\nmay not be tactful to call someone a ‘dirty Jew’ but it may be factually correct. By blurring\nthe lines between ‘hate-speech’ and ‘incitement of violence and discrimination’ and mere\ninsult (defamation) the ADL has granted itself a wide-ranging mandate to police anything\nand everything it considers anti-Semitic, including criticism of Zionism and Israel and of\nJewish organisations that fund and support the occupation, that lobby governments and\nsupport all kinds of activities that critics view as perpetuating injustice and suffering of\nPalestinians. E.g. calls to boycott Israeli products as a means of bringing Israel to the\nnegotiating table are now classified as ‘anti-Semitic’ or even ‘enemy actions’ by the ADL\nand other Zionist and Israeli organisations.\n\nThe International Definition of Anti-Semitism (IDA)\n\nThe definition of Anti-Semitism to which the CAA appeals, proposed by the International\nHolocaust Remembrance Alliance, is one that has only recently been adopted by the UK\ngovernment. The manner of this adoption as well as the contents of the IDA have been\nseverely criticised as too general and vague to provide an effective means of policing or\nidentifying anti-Semitism and distinguishing it from ordinary insults that are not of sufficient\ngravity to warrant intervention or from legitimate criticism of Israel and of Zionist or\nnationalist organisations. The most serious criticism of the IDA focuses on the needless\nand illegitimate conflation of anti-Semitism as a form of hatespeech and incitement to\nviolence and criticism of Israel, subject I and others more qualified than myself have\naddressed elsewhere — suffice to say that Jews are human beings while Israel is a nation\nstate, two different things entirely and that one can perfectly well criticise one or the other\nwithout being anti-Semitic.\n\n    The IDA is particularly overreaching its ambit when it refers to the following acts as anti-Semitism:\n    Accusing the Jews as a people, or Israel as a state, of inventing or exaggerating the Holocaust.\n    Denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination (e.g. by claiming that th existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavour).\n    Applying double standards by requiring of Israel a behaviour not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation.\n    Drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis.\n    Holding Jews collectively responsible for actions of the state of Israel.\n\n\nAs this list, from the CAA website shows, Jews and the state of Israel are effectively\nconstrued as being synonymous without reference to the many Jews worldwide and in\nIsrael who actively protest the current policies of the Israeli state, particularly its occupation\nand its violation of Palestinian Human Rights etc. I quote from the Free Speech on Israel\nwebsite:\n\n“There are already many examples of attempts to illegitimately stretch the use of the\ndefinition to censor legitimate political and moral debate. A particular target has been the\nnon-violent Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement – a mass non-violent civil society\ncampaign to hold Israel to account. Already Israel’s UK supporters have rushed to preemptively interpret the Government’s announcement as shielding Israel and its foundational political philosophy of Zionism, rather than protecting Jews.”\n\nTo address each of these points specifically:\n\nThere can be little doubt that Israeli media and many pro-Israeli, Zionst and or Jewish\ninstitutions do in fact emphasise the Holocaust at every conceivable opportunity. I\nfeel it would be entirely superfluous to even attempt to substantiate this just use\nGoogle!\n\nThe right of Jewish people to self-determination does not extend to the kind of\ndereliction of international agreements and violations of Palestinian Human Rights we\nare witnessing today in Israel, the West-Bank and Gaza.\n\nI know of no cases where anyone has demanded of Israel any other kind of\nbehaviour than of any other state. What this point actually refers to is the question of\nthe extent of Israel’s use of force and whether its responses are warranted,\nnecessary, proportionate etc. Israel actually demands of the International community\nthat it turn a blind eye to its continued violations of Human Rights and International\nagreements while its policies more and more overtly destroy the chances of reaching\na negotiated settlement.\n\nFirst of all, Israeli institutions, politicians and Zionist organisations continually draw on\nthe Holocaust and the sordid memory of persecution of Jews in Europe and\nespecially during the Nazi era. So, these organisations actually continually make\ncomparisons to the Nazi era, including associating politicians and Palestinians and\nArabs of collaboration or of somehow perpetuating the policies of the Nazis.\nSecondly, comparisons are highly enlightening, especially since they also reveal\nsignificant differences. Since most people would agree that the State of Israel owes\nits existence in many ways to the urgency of finding a safe place for Jews, it seems\nlogical to also consider the ways in which the politics and outlook of Israeli and\nJewish organisations might have been shaped by the Nazi era as well as to consider\nthe manifold ways in which modern democratic states might actually evolve or\nperpetuate mistakes that led to the rise of Fascism. \n\nAll of this is of course perfectly legitimate and not implicitly anti-Semitic. One could, for the sake of argument, point out, e.g. that many policies currently implemented by the Israeli state, including segregation, including the de facto creation of Arab “Ghettos” and collective\npunishments, isolation, making health care and education unavailable to Palestinians,\netc etc. do resemble closely policies implemented by the Nazi’s prior to their\nimplementation of the “endlössung”. As Zygmunt Bauman argued in Modernity and\nthe Holocaust, the Nazi’s “endlössung” required a modern state machinery and\ncareful gradual dehumanising of the victims through segregation (the construction of\nwalled ghettos) and the “compartmentalisation” of all measures so that none of those\ninvolved felt personally culpable for the final outcome.\n\nThe CAA: not a charity!\n\nI therefore conclude that what the CAA actually has done in their e-mail undermines their\nclaim to be ‘merely a charitable institution’ — the e-mail and the threat and interference\nimplicit in it are an attempt to exercise power over free speech and over that of a British\npolitical party. Again, I refrain from any speculation as to the actual motives for such\ninterference save to say that it is clear to me that engaging in criticism of Israel and\nZionism and particularly of Jewish organisations that support the occupation and the\ncontinuing dispossession of Palestinians and the trampling of their human rights seems to\nhave incurred the CAAs wrath.\n\nIt does not appear incidental to the case that the board members of the CAA, Stephen\nSilverman, Nathan Hopstein and Gideon Falter all have their Facebook pages plastered\nwith material denigrating the current leader of the Labour Party, Jeremy Corbyn, making\nfalse accusations and implying that he is somehow allied to ‘terrorists’ (i.e. Hamas). This\nsuggests at least the possibility that the CAA is actually less a “Charity” than a political\norganisation attempting purposely to harm the image of Labour UK by implying that those\nsupporting Jeremy Corbyn, or members who are critical of Israel, are anti-Semites and\nforcing the NEC to expel them, a strategy that has already led to a number of expulsions\n(e.g. Ken Livingstone, a person whose credentials as an anti-racist campaigner are beyond\ndoubt but who made the unfortunate mistake of mentioning an uncomfortable truth about\nrelations between Zionist organisations and the Nazis prior to the Second World War).\nFrom Stephen Silverman's Facebook page ...\n\nFrom the CAA website by Gideon Falter ....\n\n![](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmZzKpehV6mxUPn27157pcB7TEQQrTdhUfWpBqBsDvNLoW/image.png)\n\nAnd Steve Silverman ..\n\n![](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmVrivsawQxA6n6b1JW7WVzUpyK1izxWHUTKoaWqm7Xzgi/image.png)\n\nThe CAAs criticism could discredit me in the eyes of those who have not read my posts or\nany of my communications in full and who do not know me, do not know I am Jewish, do\nnot know I am an Israeli passport holder. Nonetheless, these accusations could get me\nexpelled from the Labour party, despite my clear and outspoken stand against racism and\nfor human rights as well as FOR many Labour policies I hope to see fulfilled.\n\nThat I occasionally indulge in sarcasm, in reflecting and ridiculing ideas I disagree with,\nmaking jokes, engaging with people whose beliefs and communications are disagreeable to\nthe CAA, or making legitimate comparisons between political conditions in 1930s Germany\nand Israel today, is in my opinion entirely my own business, even though it now, thanks to\nsocial media, occurs in public. Indeed, the CAAs investigation constitutes an illegal and\nunethical interference with my political sovereignty, for in order for me to be a political\nsubject I must also have a right to do more than just vote once every four years, I must also\nhave a right to engage with others in frank communication, unimpeded by self-appointed\nwatchdogs.\n\nI hereby request that the Labour party remove the CAA as an advisory on anti-Semitism,\nthat you declare their use of the International Definition of Anti-Semitism as ‘not fit for\npurpose’ (since it is obviously this definition the CAA is employing as a mandate) and that\nyou act to have the CAAs registration and a ‘charitable organisation’ removed on grounds\nof political interference, spying and coercion.\n\n—Daniel Waterman, 1st of February, 2018. The Hague.",
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      "title": "The New Inquisition: Campaign Against Antisemitism drops its mask."
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      "body": "![](https://cdn.steemitimages.com/DQmeTGAoU7gayx3Djm2rfpESLaRiAYwFuRLSz3UentZGmaT/image.png)\n\nI am pissed off. Not that anything unexpected has happened: warnings about the extent of\ncontrol and infiltration on social media platforms, particularly Facebook, abound. No, I am\npissed off at the apparent lack of awareness and strategy among those I perceive as\nhaving a common goal in promoting critical dialogue and activism around issues like\nIsrael’s Human Rights record, BDS, racism and false accusations of Anti-Semitism, Brexit\nand the rise of Jeremy Corbyn as a herald of a new kind of left-wing politics. Instead of\nlearning our lessons, we have allowed personal differences and an unwillingness to\nquestion ourselves or to let others speak freely to cloud our judgment and divide us. As a\nconsequence, we stand divided, with no clear strategy and not enough solidarity or\nempathy to carry us through. The role and function of social media are an important issue\nin all of the above, enabling debate and communication, coordination and dissemination of\nideas while at the same time rendering all these vulnerable to scrutiny and all kinds of\nmanipulation and potentially exposing serious ideas and critical questions to ridicule,\nthreats and violence.\n\nIn the past 48 hours, Facebook have blocked my access to my own account on the pretext\nthat my name is incorrect (there are lots of people using psuedonyms on FB) but\npresumably due to complaints leveled at me by the UK “charity”, Campaign Against Antisemitism,a Zionist front that I have criticised, whose sole raison d’être is to undermine\nLabour UK and Jeremy Corbyn by spreading lies about him and those on the left of the\nparty. The CAA avail themselves of a newly adopted definition of antisemitism (IHRA) that\ndefines criticism of Israel and Zionism, or of Jewish organisations and even Jews, as\nantisemitic. While this definition has been criticised by scores of experts and is rejected by\nmany Jews, it has begun to be used to silence criticism of Israel and Facebook appear to\nhave no problem implementing this new definition, as long as they believe it is within their\nrights or that Facebook members who fall foul of the new definition will not be able to take\nthem to court.\n\nAccording to the European Digital Rights watchdog:\n\nFacebook is currently under fire due, among other things, to the furore surrounding fake\nnews and the co-option of Facebook by terrorists. At a time when numerous critics have\nconcluded that Facebook divides us, Mark Zuckerberg now sees the platform’s future in its\n“groups”. Therefore, the company is investing in a friendlier image.\n\nOne thing the company is doing, is trying to make its services safer for users, through the\nexpansion of its “Community Safety Team” and the launch of new functionalities, including\na designated area for groups’ rules of behaviour. On the face of it, a welcome development:\nit is important to reflect on how platforms are designed. Which functions serve which\npeople? How can clever design at early stages of product development minimise the\namount of objectionable content being posted?\n\nOf course, measures that make Facebook safer to use, are welcome. Still, this development leaves us feeling uneasy. By investing in “community leaders”, Facebook is meddling with society’s most essential category: its communities. It is an intervention we can do without. These are our prime objections:\n\nNot a neutral conduit:\n\nFacebook shapes interactions between you and your community, and between the\nmembers of your community amongst one another. Sometimes, it does this explicitly, for\nexample by offering certain functions and not offering others. But it also does this invisibly,\nby indirectly influencing your decisions, “nudging”. In both cases, the user has little or no\ninsight into how they are being ”guided”, not to mention that they have little or no control.\nFacebook controls what may, and may not, be discussed: Do we really want to let our\nfreedom of expression be dependent on the terms and conditions of a multinational\ncorporation? Because it is Facebook that decides what is acceptable and what is not. The\ncompany claims it wants to be a “friendly platform” that “brings people together”. That\nautomatically means the prohibition of certain types of statements. In the past Facebook\nhas, for example, considered it necessary to block cartoons of the Turkish president Recep\nTayyip Erdogan – they clearly didn’t bring people together enough! YouTube, in turn,\ndeemed it important to label LGBTQ-related content as not family-friendly. Platforms are\nunder increasing pressure to combat the spread of “undesirable content”, a term now being\napplied to everything from copyrighted material to extremist propaganda and from\nunpopular opinions to hate speech. If the current trend continues, we can expect to\nencounter censorship on platforms with increasing frequency in the future.\n\nAround the world, communities are doing important work and are taking a stand concerning\nsomething they are passionate about. In doing so, they utilise the means available to them.\nIt pays to look critically at those means. Do they work equally well for all members of the\ncommunity? And where large platforms are involved, how can you prevent them from\nbecoming the gatekeeper between the members of the community?\n\nBits of Freedom struggles with this, too. They choose to use Facebook and Twitter, but with\nsome restrictions: They do not profile individuals through advertisements, nor do they\nupload pictures of people or invite them to events. In addition, they invest in channels of\ncommunication they control, such as their newsletter and email groups. Finally, they\norganise gatherings offline. They realise their choice of communication channels work\nbetter for some people than for others. For some, they might not work at all. If we want to\nincrease our ability to rally support for our issues, we need to find more diverse ways of\nengagement. Where do we start?\n\n(Contribution by Evelyn Austin, EDRi member Bits of Freedom, the Netherlands;\nTranslation by Nick Lakides)\n\n****\n\nWithout naming names I would briefly like to refer to a conflict that arose between two\npeople who I have been following who should and could, in my opinion, join forces in the\nface of a common cause. The first of these is a long-time Labour activist with strongly\ncritical views on the issue of Israel and Zionism who was recently expelled by the Labour\nparty’s watchdog accused of being an anti-semite or making anti-semitic statements or\ncriticising the new overly broad definition of anti-semitism. \n\nIt is difficult to know exactly what the accusations were and Labour UK have not offered any kind of opportunity for redress, leaving this individual to seek readmittance and possibly compensation or punitive damages through the courts. He has since made a strong stand against antisemitism and in the course of doing so, levelled accusations against other critics of Israel and Zionism, in an apparent effort to distance himself or regain his credibility. His efforts, through posts and threads on Facebook, led to heated discussion and recrimations and he has since shown himself unable to engage in intellectual or reasoned debate outside a narrowly defined range of topics. Thus, when engaging with others who pointed out that the influence of the “Jewish lobby” in Washington is hardly a secret, he refused to engage with the argument that Capitalism and Neoliberalism are not the only forces represented in the political arena and that nationalism and narrow ethnic interests can become closely aligned within Capitalist agendas. \n\nIt is a fact that accusations of a conspiracy of Jewish bankers and politicians was part of the anti-semitic tropes exploited by the Nazi’s. This individual therefore defined any attempt to discuss this subject as anti-semitic and those pursuing the discussion as antisemites. The second person I call to account is a well-known writer whose first work offers not just an incisive critique of Israel and Zionism, but also offers an incisive examination of concepts of Judaism, victimhood and identity. This book was, in my opinion, well written and thought out. But its message was not welcomed by the Jewish community and many Jews from both left and right of the political spectrum have since criticised the author and called him an anti-semite and the work antisemitic. \n\nThis treatment, though hardly unexpected, seems to have had a profound impact on the author who now disowns his “Jewish” side. Because his arguments seem to expose something about Judaism that corresponds to claims of a Jewish/Israeli conspiracy, rejection by many Jews and accusations of anti-semitism appear to have driven this author further to the right, to adopt some of the language and ideas of the “alt-right” and to claim he is a philosopher rather than an activist (and hence, that his new work is “post-political”). Unfortunately this person, just as the aforementioned one, also has personal quirks like attention seeking and an uncanny ability to avoid criticism so that he is not easy to debate with. One either agrees with him or not.\n\nAt this point I would like to introduce a third person, who embodies, for me, a possibility for\nreconciliation that the former two individuals appear to reject. Her approach to accusations\nof antisemitism is remarkable in that she both invites reasoned criticism and allows her\ncritics to speak (while remaining admirably calm, something I am not sure I could do) and\nalso embracing a radical new possibility for herself by creating a new dialogue highlighting\nboth her personal histor(ies) and historical continuit(ies) between slavery, racism, genocide,\nholocaust and Israel’s human rights record and the Palestinian struggle for selfdetermination.\nNeedless to say her work also embodies ideas about gender and Feminism.\n\nThis third person has adopted a creative and inquiring approach that allows her audience to\nengage with both the highly personal and subjective aspects of her subject and with the\nsocial, historical and political dimensions of movements and struggles that span centuries.\nHer approach is also decidedly un-intellectual, though certainly not without cognizance of\ntheoretical and ideological discourses. Rather, her one-woman show provides an\nopportunity for her audience to situate themselves, their own place and the place of current\nevents, within a much larger framework than that afforded by ethnocentric, gendercentric,\neuorocentric, Western centric discourses emphasising current concerns such as “the war\non terror” ethnic conflict, ‘democracy’ and ‘freedom’.\n\nOne possible benefit of this approach is that it neither necessitates distancing ourselves\nfrom our ‘ancestry’ and inherited culture, or adopting a fundamentalist idealist stance that\nrequires us to reject a priori criticism that “sounds antisemitic” racist or any of the other\nthings the alt-right are currently attacking as being either motivated by personal interest or\nby “identity politics”. In this approach, identity can be embraced while still acknowledged as\nsomething of a narrative that we can avail ourselves of to understand the world, but which\nwe do not need to adhere to when it becomes an obstacle to such understanding, or where\nit simply provides a limited worldview.\n\nAll of the people discussed above are admirable for their commitments to and contributions\nto a BIG DEBATE that ultimately aims to expose the mechanisms of the current social and\ncultural paradigms, the political and economic system and to propose possible solutions.\nThey SHOULD all be working together, complementing each others work, challenging each\nother to refine ideas and work out effective strategies.\n\nUnfortunately, chances of this happening seem slim. Facebook provides a ‘soundboard’\nand echo chamber for ideas, but it does not provide a framework for reconciliation, for\nresolving differences and learning how to get along better. This is hardly surprising\nconsidering the extent to which social media are products of a Capitalist Neoliberal\nidealism that views individuals as separate and competing. Even as we renew our\ncommitments to reasoned dialogue, peace, justice and so on, social media harshly expose\nthe extent to which we are separated from each other, if not diametrically opposed by\nideological commitments, self-righteousness and other psychological limitations — wanting\nto belong, desiring connection, inability to form our own opinions based on research, etc\netc.\n\nI am angry, for the reasons stated above, that people who each have so much to contribute\nto each other and to all of us, seem unable to recognise the obvious ways in which social\nmedia impose on us the separation that is, it seems, a fundamental mode of Capitalism.\nWe form allegiances with those who agree with us, but fail to work out our differences with\nthose we disagree with, opting instead for the easy solution provided by boundless ‘choice’.\nLike being able to choose from 30 different brands of toothpaste, our political allegiances\nbecome weak, unstable, empty of real meaning and the possibility of solidarity and\ncollective action. — Copyright: Daniel Waterman, Feb. 2018",
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