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2019/08/06 19:19:57
2019/08/06 19:19:57
| parent author | cam-rea |
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| title | |
| body | Congratulations @cam-rea! You received a personal award! <table><tr><td>https://steemitimages.com/70x70/http://steemitboard.com/@cam-rea/birthday3.png</td><td>Happy Birthday! - You are on the Steem blockchain for 3 years!</td></tr></table> <sub>_You can view [your badges on your Steem Board](https://steemitboard.com/@cam-rea) and compare to others on the [Steem Ranking](https://steemitboard.com/ranking/index.php?name=cam-rea)_</sub> ###### [Vote for @Steemitboard as a witness](https://v2.steemconnect.com/sign/account-witness-vote?witness=steemitboard&approve=1) to get one more award and increased upvotes! |
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2018/08/06 20:18:30
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2017/08/06 21:08:30
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}baghdadupvoted (100.00%) @cam-rea / the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-1
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}philadelphiaupvoted (100.00%) @cam-rea / the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-1
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}steskoffupvoted (100.00%) @cam-rea / the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-3
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}cam-reaupvoted (100.00%) @cam-rea / the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-3
cam-reaupvoted (100.00%) @cam-rea / the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-3
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}cam-reapublished a new post: the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-3
cam-reapublished a new post: the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-3
| parent author | |
| parent permlink | writing |
| author | cam-rea |
| permlink | the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-3 |
| title | The Roman-Parthian Wars: The Battle of Carrhae (53 BCE) Part 3 |
| body | THE BATTLE OF CARRHAE As the Roman scouts ventured farther ahead of the main body, they soon found themselves in a trap. The few scouts that made it back reported that the enemy was great in number and full of confidence. Ariamnes’ lie seems to have gone unnoticed by Crassus, who was excited and soon became impatient, making inconsistent decisions. Crassus was obviously overwhelmed by the situation until Cassius gave him some advice, which for once did not annoy to Crassus. Cassius suggested that they should form the men into one long line with little depth and that the cavalry should be divided between the two wings. Cassius’ plan seemed like the right strategy to choose. However, Crassus decided that it would be best to form the men into one huge hollow square with 12 cohorts on each side and a cavalry detachment next to each cohort. By choosing the hollow square strategy, Crassus felt that it would ensure equal balance for protection. In other words, they could avoid being flanked by the enemy, although they would sacrifice mobility. Cassius would take command of one of the wings, Publius, Crassus’ son would command the other wing, and Crassus would command from the middle of the square. They would move forward in this formation until they came to the Balissus stream. The men were hot, hungry, thirsty, weak, and weary, and they looked upon the stream as a blessing. The officers advised Crassus it was best to stay next to the stream, set up camp, and allow the men to rest while a new scouting party was formed and sent to gather intelligence on the Parthians. Unfortunately for the men, Crassus could not make a sound decision. He agreed that the men should eat and drink, but only standing up and staying in formation. Then Crassus changed his mind, yes, the men can eat and drink, so long as they march. However, Crassus gave a new order: move out. Many of the men ate and drank on the move, but many could not, because Crassus kept the men at a quick pace to keep up with the cavalry. Crassus did this because his son Publius was eager to press on and engage the enemy. As Crassus pushed on, the enemy slowly came into sight. Crassus gave the order to halt, and to their eyes the enemy were “neither so numerous nor so splendidly armed as they had expected.” However, looks can be deceiving. What Crassus and his army saw was the front rank of just 1,000 cavalry who were covered in skins and coats. Surena’s main force was hidden behind the front ranks. While the Romans watched in curiosity, Surena gave the order and a thundering sound proceeded forth from the Parthian cavalry. Many unseen drums covered in stretched animal hide with brass bells attached to the drums roared across the field, vibrating Roman armor as well as their hearts. The use of sound as a psychological weapon before battle manipulated human behavior in both Roman and Parthian armies, affecting all senses. In other words, the home team is pumped up while the away team is losing confidence quickly. Plutarch mentions that, “before the Romans had recovered from their consternation at this din, the enemy suddenly dropped the coverings of their armour.” Once the drums were silent, the Roman army, discombobulated by the intense sound of the drums, besides being physically weak, was in for another surprise. The Parthian heavy cavalry, otherwise known as the cataphract, was charging towards them, with Surena leading the way. As the cataphract thundered across the plain, their coverings dropped from their armor revealing “helmets and breastplates blazing like fire, their Margianian steel glittering keen and bright, their horses armored with plates of bronze and steel.” The Parthian cataphract was the main and most important military force. These mailed cavalrymen were the aristocracy, who could afford the expensive armor. In return for their service, they demanded a greater degree of autonomy from the Parthian king at the local level, thus ensuring a king (sub-king) of their own to governor their territory. A description of the Parthian cataphract is of interest, particularly the term Plutarch uses to describe their steel in which he refers to it as “Margianian steel.” Margianian steel that the Parthians use to produce armor comes from a Parthian province known as Margiana. It was located primarily in what is today Turkmenistan, with portions of this ancient province extending into northern Afghanistan and southern Uzbekistan. It was here in Margiana, rich in metal resources, that the iron ore was mined, and possibly refined to make weapons not far from the site. Plutarch also mentions that the Parthian heavy cavalry wore bronze plates, if not steel. Tin and copper also were mined in Margiana and probably refined in the province to produce bronze goods. On the surface, Plutarch’s passage reads as if the Parthian heavy cavalry wore only plate armor. However, Plutarch later mentions that they used “tough breastplates of raw hide.” Plutarch does not go into great detail concerning their armor design, but does give clues as to how it looked and the material used. However, Justin explains the design of Parthian cataphract armor in one short sentence in which he states, “Their armour, and that of their horses, is formed of plates, lapping over one another like the feathers of a bird, and covers both man and horse entirely.” Plutarch mentions the use of “raw hide,” which indicates that they covered the leather with overlapping plates of iron and bronze and held in place by stitching or gluing. As for the arms and legs of the heavy cavalryman, Kaveh Farrokh mentions the possibility of tubular ring-armor to protect arms and legs of the rider. The total weight of the armor may have been around 125lb/57kg. The helmet the Parthian cataphract wore was steel. Professor Litvinsky mentions that the helmet wore by the Parthian cataphract was a “bowl-shaped helmet with corrugated visor, high crest, and moveable cheekpieces.” The weapons carried by the cataphract were the mace, axe, dagger, and long sword. However, these would have been secondary weapons as their primary weapon was the pike/lance and composite bow. The Romans, who never had seen well-armored cavalrymen, were in awe, while the veterans who served under Lucullus or Pompey had encountered this type of cavalry during the Mithridatic Wars. As the cataphract closed in, the legionaries locked shields to create a continuous wall. Surena quickly noticed that the Roman line was steady and firm and they were not going to budge. Surena quickly broke off the charge giving the impression that they lacked confidence in engaging the Romans in a full frontal assault. However, this was just a ruse. What the Romans see is Surena retreating, giving the false notion that the cataphract is unable to make a difference and therefore lacks confidence. Unseen are 10,000 Parthian horse archers, who quickly surround the Romans, firing on them from all sides. Crassus was stunned. He quickly assesses the situation, seeing that unarmored horse archers, who were vulnerable to missile attack, bog down his forces, orders his light infantry to engage them. As the light infantry left the safety of the hollow square to engage the enemy, they were quickly showered with arrows as the Parthian horse archers galloped away, causing the light infantry to quickly pull back, crashing through the Roman lines seeking safety. The sight, speed, and agility of the Parthian horse archers spooked the Romans. But what really terrified them was the Parthians’ primary weapon, the composite bow. The bow used by Parthians and their Scythian kin was no ordinary composite bow. It was small, compared with later bows used on the steppe, made of horn or wood, and was strung with animal tendon or horsehair. Horsehair may have been the Parthians’ preferred material for stringing the bow, like that of their kin, the Scythians. Horsehair is better than animal tendon strings, which tend to stretch if they absorb moisture in colder climates. Stringing the bow was a difficult process. In order to string the bow, a Parthian, like a Scythian archer, must utilize both legs and arms. The limbs of the bow curved outward from the handle grip resembling a “Cupid’s bow.” Strabo compares the bow’s shape to the Black Sea. The tips of bow lacked ears, giving it more flexibility. The length of the Scythian bow is approximately 80 cm (2.6 feet) in length, while other bows found in burial mounds at Pazyryk, Russia, measured 127 centimeters (4.2 feet). Overall, the Scythian double-curved composite bow is small, stiff, hardy, and powerful. But how far could the bow deliver an arrow? As the Parthian horse archers spread out at Carrhae, attempting to attack the Romans from all sides, they had to be effective in killing or wounding the Romans at a distance of 160 yards; however to be lethal, he had to be at least 160 feet to 200 feet away. In addition, like the Scythians, the Parthians carried anywhere between 30, 150, and some estimates say up to 200 arrows in their quivers. When engaged in combat, the archer could release up to 12 arrows a minute, while others suggest 20 arrows a minute, but of course, this would depend on the nature of the battle. The reason for the high rate of death inflicted upon the Romans was that not only did the hollow square protect them on all sides from frontal assaults or being flanked, it also made them an easy target due to being so densely crowded in together. It would have been impossible for a Parthian horse archer to miss. The Parthians, like the Scythians, were not necessarily looking for one shot, one kill. I am sure they would take advantage if the opportunity had presented itself. The Parthian horse archers at Carrhae likely positioned their bows at a 45-degree angle. From this angle, they could shower the enemy with arrows, to kill if possible, but mutilation would be the main objective from such a distance. Arrows from this distance would fall erratically on top of the enemy. Due to the distance of the shot, the intention would be to demoralize the enemy in hope that the enemy forces would withdraw. If the enemy withdrew, the Parthians, like the Scythian horse archers, could pick apart their enemy with individual kills, or they could leave him alone entirely to retreat. Dr. Kaveh Farrokh suggests that the average Parthian horse archer, with a quiver of 30 arrows, loosed between 8-10 arrows a minute at Carrhae. It would take 2-3 minutes to exhaust his arsenal before needing resupplied. The amount of Parthian horse archers at the battle is estimated at 10,000. Now, if all 10,000 fired away for 20 minutes, the amount of arrows fired by an individual horse archer would have been between 160-200 arrows. Take 10,000 and the amount of arrows fired upon the Roman soldiers are estimated to have been an astounding 1.6-2 million arrows in a 20-minute timeframe. The Romans soon realized that they could do nothing to alleviate the situation. If they stayed in their rank and file they would be wounded or killed. But if they made an attempt to counter the horse archers they would suffer the same fate. Any attempt to chase after them resulted in the horse archers retreating at a full gallop, and in doing so, they would turn around to shoot at the pursuing enemy. This is where the term “Parthian Shot” comes from. The Parthians were literally shooting fish in a barrel. Moreover, the Parthians were exploiting the Roman way of warfare. For the Romans to see the enemy retreat was a sign of defeat. Therefore, the Romans felt that they now had the advantage over their nemesis and pursued them. However, they soon realized and learned from this mistake that the enemy fought by an entirely different method. The Romans could do nothing as death from above poured down on them. Crassus’ only hope was that as long as they stood still in their square, the Parthians would soon run out of arrows. Once that happened, Crassus felt that the Parthians would have no choice but to engage the Romans at close quarters. However, that would not be the case. To the astonishment of the Romans, a Parthian camel train was standing by with fresh arrows. Surena proved adept at organization and logistics by using trains of camels to keep his horse archers constantly supplied, keeping continual pressure upon the Romans. This is contrary to Cassius Dio’s claim that the Parthians “do not lay in supplies of food or pay.” Cassius Dio may have felt that since the Parthians were not good at sieges, it must be due to issues of supply. Crassus’ confidence was deteriorating quickly. He sent a message to his son Publius to join the battle by taking 1,300 cavalry, 500 archers, and eight cohorts from the infantry. Crassus’ hope was to draw some of the Parthians away from the square as they were attempting to encircle the Romans. However, two reasons are given for the Parthians to attempt this. The first was to envelop the Romans completely, that in due time the legions would crowd closer as their numbers dwindled. However, Plutarch mentions that the Parthians had trouble enveloping the Roman rear due to the marshy terrain that made it difficult for the horses to maneuver. The second reason Plutarch gives seems more plausible, and that was to leave a window open just big enough to make the Romans think that they had found an advantage. Deceiving the Romans into thinking that they cannot surround them, Crassus’ son Publius takes the bait and charges ahead. However, it was an old steppe trick. Thinking they were retreating, Publius shouted excitedly, “’They are on the run,’ and charged after them.” The faked retreat worked, Publius was on the move; and the Parthians, stationed farther ahead and well hidden, were awaiting his arrival. Publius and the men were full of joy, thinking that they now had the advantage and victory was surely imminent. But moving farther away from the main body, they soon realized the pursuit was nothing more than a trick when the horse archers wheeled around and were joined by fresh troops. Publius ordered the men to halt as the Parthian cataphract was stationed in front of him. He hoped that they would engage them in close combat. Instead, the horse archers in loose order rode around the Romans, kicking up so much sand that a mini-sandstorm fell on top of the Romans and it became nearly impossible to see the enemy. By using nature as a weapon to disguise their movements, the horse archers were able to engage the Romans safely. Using nature as a force multiplier gave them the advantage of fighting uninhibitedly. Publius and his men could not see or breathe very well, inciting fear, which soon led to panic. The Romans in their disarray tripped, stumbled, and fell in each other’s way. The Parthian horse archers quickly took advantage and the arrow shower began. Publius did what any commander in the field would do and that was to reestablish order among the men. However, it was too late. In the convulsion and agony of their pain they would writhe as the arrows struck them; they would break them off in their wounds and then lacerate and disfigure their own bodies by trying to tear out by main force the barbed arrow heads that had pierced through their veins and muscles.-- Plut, Crass 25 Many of the men would die a slow, agonizing death in this fashion. Publius needed to act quickly. The Romans could not engage the horse archers in close combat while the Parthian chain of command, the cataphract, was nearby. If the Romans could make a break for the cataphract and engage them in close combat, they might have a chance to turn the tide of battle, especially if they could reach the Parthian commander, Surena, and kill him. Publius gives the order to attack the cataphract, but reality sets in. The Roman infantrymen who heard Publius showed him that they were unable to go on any further, for their “hands pinioned to their shields, feet nailed through into the ground, so that they were incapable of either running away or defending themselves.” Publius was so in touch with the battle that he was out of touch with his men. He soon realized the carnage that had been inflicted upon his forces. Once Publius assessed the situation, he gathered what remained of his Gallic cavalry and charged toward the cataphract. Publius’ Gallic cavalry was light, wore little armor, and carried small light spears. One would think Publius would have known better than to charge toward cavalrymen who were better armored than his. They would soon realize this as their light spears broke against the breastplate of the cataphract. The Gallic cavalry was no match for the cataphract, which would thrust their long pikes into the horses or riders. In order to overcome, or at least have a fighting chance, the Gallic cavalryman, if the opportunity presented itself, would grab the pike of the cataphract and hope to use his own weight against him by pulling him off his horse. Many of the cataphract were smart enough to know that being weighted down by their armor made movement cumbersome. If there was any fighting chance, it was best on foot or in this case, on his back or knees, as he would get underneath the Gallic cavalryman’s horse and thrust his sword into the animal’s belly. This would cause the horse to rear up, throwing the rider off, and trampling whoever was underneath or nearby before collapsing. Perhaps even some cataphract died in this fashion. With so many Gallic cavalry now dead, the only option for the Romans was to retreat. What was left of the Gallic cavalry pulled back, taking a badly wounded Publius and what remained of the infantry to higher ground. This would also prove to be a mistake. Publius and his men retreated to a nearby sandy hill. However, the sandy hill provided little protection. As the Roman infantry was placed in the front, those behind the infantry stuck out like a sore thumb due to the elevation. The horse archers once again pelted the Romans relentlessly with arrows. The Romans could do little more than watch their troops fall. As the situation quickly deteriorated, two Greeks from the nearby town of Carrhae, Hieronymus and Nicomachus, offered to help Publius escape to a nearby town, Ichnae, friendly to Rome. Publius refused the offer since so many men were either dead or dying on his account. Like a Roman commander, he attempted to take his own life, but was unable since an arrow had pierced his hand. Thus, he ordered his shield bearer to run him through with his gladius. The Parthians eventually made it up the hill after the horse archers had softened the Romans a bit more. Once on the hill, the Parthian cataphract would charge through the Romans, breaking their bodies and spirits. The remaining Romans surrendered; about 500 were taken prisoner. As for the body of Publius, the Parthians took the body and severed his head. When Publius had gone charging off after the Parthian horse archers in an attempt to give the Roman army some breathing room and time to assess the situation, the Parthians had slacked off from attacking the main body. The reason, of course, was that Publius was a high profile target with little protection. Surena understood that if he could get Publius as far away as possible from the main Roman body, he could fix, engage, and defeat the target, which would send shockwaves throughout the Roman army. Surena was correct in his judgment. As Crassus waited for his son Publius to return from the pursuit, he began to gain confidence that his son was doing all right. Crassus placed his men in regular order and moved them to sloping ground. During Publius’ engagement, he attempted to send messages to Crassus. The first never made it through, as the messenger was killed, but other messages indicating that Publius needed his help immediately made it through to Crassus. Crassus’ hopes that his son was doing well all came crashing down when his son needed him. It was at this point that Crassus was unable to make a clear judgment on what to do: Either he assist his son or stay put. On top of that, he began to lose confidence and feared the worst possible outcome for his army. As Crassus was going through a tug of war in his head, he finally made the decision to move the Roman army in attempt to help Publius; Crassus did not know that his son, Publius, was already dead. Just as Crassus’ army moved forward, the Parthians swooped in again, beating their drums and shouting aloud, but with even greater ferocity than before. As the Roman army prepared for the second wave of attack, some of the Parthian cavalry approached the Roman line. One of the cataphract had a nasty surprise for Crassus; it was the head of Publius on the tip of a spear. But before the battle was to commence again, the cataphract had a message for Crassus saying, “it was impossible, they said, that such a brave and gallant solder could be the son of such a miserable coward as Crassus.” If the Roman army had any confidence left in them, that very moment sucked the life’s blood out of them. Crassus, who suffered the most from this tragedy, rode up and down the ranks, shouting, “this grief is a private thing of my own. But in you, who are safe and sound, abide the great fortune and the glory of Rome. And now, if you feel any pity for me, who have lost the best son that any father has ever had, show it in the fury with which you face the enemy.” Crassus’ encouraging speech to fight on and think of their ancestors who fought hard battles did little to lift up the men’s spirits, for Plutarch mentions that “while he was speaking these words of encouragement, Crassus could see how few there were who were listening to him with enthusiasm.” When Crassus wanted to hear the war cry of his men, it was a “weak, feeble, and unsteady shout.” The battle was lost. After Crassus had finished preparing the men for the second wave of battle, the Parthians quickly got to work by surrounding the Romans and showering them with arrows. As the horse archers began to pelt the enemy to death, Surena decided to up the carnage by unleashing the cataphract. The strategy was simple. With Roman confidence withering away, the cataphract would have a much greater chance of driving the Roman infantry closer together and into each other’s way. The strategy paid off! With each charge, the cataphract was successful in penetrating the Roman lines and quickly breaking from engagement, which allowed the horse archers to concentrate their arrows on a compacted target. The Romans were losing men quickly during this second wave of attack as the arrows continually rained down and the cataphract kept crushing and driving back the troops. Crassus had no choice but to retreat; but to do so in the daylight was far more risky, and the night could not come soon enough. In the end, Crassus would make his way down the hill to meet with Surena. The Romans were on foot and the Parthians were on horseback. Surena was so shocked that Crassus, the imperator of Rome was on foot that he quickly offered him a horse, but Crassus declined the offer, saying he was merely following the custom of his own country. Surena quickly went straight to the point and informed Crassus that peace existed between King Orodes and the Romans. In order to make this deal final, an agreement must be signed near the Euphrates River. Surena than spoke to Crassus and said “We find that you Romans have not got very good memories about the terms of treaties.” Afterwards, Crassus called for a horse and suddenly Surena offered him a horse with a golden bridle as a present. The grooms lifted Crassus up onto the saddle and ran alongside the horse, whipping the horse to make the animal go faster. Octavius quickly charged after Crassus and got hold of the bridle. Petronius, along with the men, quickly surrounded the horse to slow the animal. It was during this struggle with the horse that a brawl broke out. It seems that the grooms of the horse did little to slow the beast down, so Octavius drew his sword and killed one of the grooms; this in turn caused himself to be killed. Petronius also would be struck, but his breastplate saved him. Crassus would also be killed during this struggle by a Parthian named Pomaxathres. However, Cassius Dio expresses that Crassus did not die by the hands of a Parthian, rather a fellow Roman killed him to prevent him from being captured alive. What is most important and overlooked is that Parthia had a body but no treaty. Bibliography Ashley, James R. Macedonian Empire: The Era of Warfare Under Philip II and Alexander the Great, 359-323 B.C. Jefferson, N.C.: Mcfarland & Company, 2004. Baumer, Christoph. The History of Central Asia: The Age of the Steppe Warriors . London: I.B. Tauris, 2012. Boak, Arthur. A History of Rome to 565 A.D. 4th ed. New York: Macmillan, 1955. Brosius, Maria. The Persians: An Introduction. London: Routledge, 2006. Cary, Max and Howard Hayes Scullard. A History of Rome Down to the Reign of Constantine . London: Macmillan, 1995. Cicero, Marcus Tullius. Epistulae ad Atticum, trans. E.O. Windstedt, 3 vols. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1956. Dio Cocceianus, Cassius. Dio's Roman History, trans. E Cary, Loeb Classical Library, 9 vols. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1954. Farrokh, Kaveh. Shadows in the Desert: Ancient Persia at War. Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2007. Hildinger, Erik. Warriors of the Steppe: A Military History of Central Asia 500 B.C. to 1700 A.D. New York and Washington D.C.: Da Capo Press, 2001. Hurley, Vic. Arrows against Steel: The History of the Bow and How It Forever Changed Warfare . Salem, Oregon: Cerberus Books, 2011. Josephus, Flavius. The Complete Works of Josephus, trans. William Whiston. Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel Publications, 1990. Justinus, Marcus Janianus. Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus, Trans. John Selby Watson. London: Henry G. Bohn, York Street, Convent Garden, 1853. Karasulas, Antony. Mounted Archers of the Steepe 600 BC-AD 1300. Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2004. Knecht, Heidi. Projectile Technology (Interdisciplinary Contributions to Archaeology). New York: Springer, 1997. Litvinsky, B. A. ""HELMET i. In Pre-Islamic Iran,” Encyclopædia Iranica, Vol. XII, Fasc. 2, pp. 176-180." Encyclopædia Iranica. December 15, 2013. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/helmet-i (accessed June 21, 2013). Mahal Singh, Bhupinder. Punjab: The Nomads and The Mavericks. New Delhi: Sunbun Publishers, 2000. Mayor, Adrienne. Greek Fire, Poison Arrows & Scorpion Bombs: Bilogical and Chemical Warfare in the Ancient World. New York: Duckworth, 2003. Pliny, H. Rackham, W. H. S. Jones, and D.E. Eichholz. The Natural History. London: Folio Society, 2011. Plutarch. Moralia. Translated by Frank Cole Babbitt. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1962. —. The Parallel Lives, vol.6, translated by Bernadotte Perrin. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1919. Sarkhosh Curtis, Vesta and Sarah Stewart. The Age of the Parthians The Idea of Iran Volume II. London: I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd, 2007. Sheldon, Rose Mary. Rome’s Wars in Parthia: Blood in the Sand . London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2010. |
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"permlink": "the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-3",
"title": "The Roman-Parthian Wars: The Battle of Carrhae (53 BCE) Part 3",
"body": "THE BATTLE OF CARRHAE\n\nAs the Roman scouts ventured farther ahead of the main body, they soon found themselves in a trap. The few scouts that made it back reported that the enemy was great in number and full of confidence. Ariamnes’ lie seems to have gone unnoticed by Crassus, who was excited and soon became impatient, making inconsistent decisions. Crassus was obviously overwhelmed by the situation until Cassius gave him some advice, which for once did not annoy to Crassus. Cassius suggested that they should form the men into one long line with little depth and that the cavalry should be divided between the two wings. Cassius’ plan seemed like the right strategy to choose. However, Crassus decided that it would be best to form the men into one huge hollow square with 12 cohorts on each side and a cavalry detachment next to each cohort. By choosing the hollow square strategy, Crassus felt that it would ensure equal balance for protection. In other words, they could avoid being flanked by the enemy, although they would sacrifice mobility. Cassius would take command of one of the wings, Publius, Crassus’ son would command the other wing, and Crassus would command from the middle of the square. They would move forward in this formation until they came to the Balissus stream. \n\nThe men were hot, hungry, thirsty, weak, and weary, and they looked upon the stream as a blessing. The officers advised Crassus it was best to stay next to the stream, set up camp, and allow the men to rest while a new scouting party was formed and sent to gather intelligence on the Parthians. Unfortunately for the men, Crassus could not make a sound decision. He agreed that the men should eat and drink, but only standing up and staying in formation. Then Crassus changed his mind, yes, the men can eat and drink, so long as they march. However, Crassus gave a new order: move out. Many of the men ate and drank on the move, but many could not, because Crassus kept the men at a quick pace to keep up with the cavalry. Crassus did this because his son Publius was eager to press on and engage the enemy. \n\nAs Crassus pushed on, the enemy slowly came into sight. Crassus gave the order to halt, and to their eyes the enemy were “neither so numerous nor so splendidly armed as they had expected.” However, looks can be deceiving. What Crassus and his army saw was the front rank of just 1,000 cavalry who were covered in skins and coats. Surena’s main force was hidden behind the front ranks. While the Romans watched in curiosity, Surena gave the order and a thundering sound proceeded forth from the Parthian cavalry. Many unseen drums covered in stretched animal hide with brass bells attached to the drums roared across the field, vibrating Roman armor as well as their hearts. The use of sound as a psychological weapon before battle manipulated human behavior in both Roman and Parthian armies, affecting all senses. In other words, the home team is pumped up while the away team is losing confidence quickly.\nPlutarch mentions that, “before the Romans had recovered from their consternation at this din, the enemy suddenly dropped the coverings of their armour.” Once the drums were silent, the Roman army, discombobulated by the intense sound of the drums, besides being physically weak, was in for another surprise. The Parthian heavy cavalry, otherwise known as the cataphract, was charging towards them, with Surena leading the way. As the cataphract thundered across the plain, their coverings dropped from their armor revealing “helmets and breastplates blazing like fire, their Margianian steel glittering keen and bright, their horses armored with plates of bronze and steel.” \nThe Parthian cataphract was the main and most important military force. These mailed cavalrymen were the aristocracy, who could afford the expensive armor. In return for their service, they demanded a greater degree of autonomy from the Parthian king at the local level, thus ensuring a king (sub-king) of their own to governor their territory. \n\nA description of the Parthian cataphract is of interest, particularly the term Plutarch uses to describe their steel in which he refers to it as “Margianian steel.” Margianian steel that the Parthians use to produce armor comes from a Parthian province known as Margiana. It was located primarily in what is today Turkmenistan, with portions of this ancient province extending into northern Afghanistan and southern Uzbekistan. It was here in Margiana, rich in metal resources, that the iron ore was mined, and possibly refined to make weapons not far from the site. Plutarch also mentions that the Parthian heavy cavalry wore bronze plates, if not steel. Tin and copper also were mined in Margiana and probably refined in the province to produce bronze goods. On the surface, Plutarch’s passage reads as if the Parthian heavy cavalry wore only plate armor. However, Plutarch later mentions that they used “tough breastplates of raw hide.” \n\nPlutarch does not go into great detail concerning their armor design, but does give clues as to how it looked and the material used. However, Justin explains the design of Parthian cataphract armor in one short sentence in which he states, “Their armour, and that of their horses, is formed of plates, lapping over one another like the feathers of a bird, and covers both man and horse entirely.” Plutarch mentions the use of “raw hide,” which indicates that they covered the leather with overlapping plates of iron and bronze and held in place by stitching or gluing. As for the arms and legs of the heavy cavalryman, Kaveh Farrokh mentions the possibility of tubular ring-armor to protect arms and legs of the rider. The total weight of the armor may have been around 125lb/57kg.\n\nThe helmet the Parthian cataphract wore was steel. Professor Litvinsky mentions that the helmet wore by the Parthian cataphract was a “bowl-shaped helmet with corrugated visor, high crest, and moveable cheekpieces.” The weapons carried by the cataphract were the mace, axe, dagger, and long sword. However, these would have been secondary weapons as their primary weapon was the pike/lance and composite bow. \n\nThe Romans, who never had seen well-armored cavalrymen, were in awe, while the veterans who served under Lucullus or Pompey had encountered this type of cavalry during the Mithridatic Wars. As the cataphract closed in, the legionaries locked shields to create a continuous wall. Surena quickly noticed that the Roman line was steady and firm and they were not going to budge. Surena quickly broke off the charge giving the impression that they lacked confidence in engaging the Romans in a full frontal assault. However, this was just a ruse. \n\nWhat the Romans see is Surena retreating, giving the false notion that the cataphract is unable to make a difference and therefore lacks confidence. Unseen are 10,000 Parthian horse archers, who quickly surround the Romans, firing on them from all sides. Crassus was stunned. He quickly assesses the situation, seeing that unarmored horse archers, who were vulnerable to missile attack, bog down his forces, orders his light infantry to engage them. As the light infantry left the safety of the hollow square to engage the enemy, they were quickly showered with arrows as the Parthian horse archers galloped away, causing the light infantry to quickly pull back, crashing through the Roman lines seeking safety. The sight, speed, and agility of the Parthian horse archers spooked the Romans. But what really terrified them was the Parthians’ primary weapon, the composite bow. \n\nThe bow used by Parthians and their Scythian kin was no ordinary composite bow. It was small, compared with later bows used on the steppe, made of horn or wood, and was strung with animal tendon or horsehair. Horsehair may have been the Parthians’ preferred material for stringing the bow, like that of their kin, the Scythians. Horsehair is better than animal tendon strings, which tend to stretch if they absorb moisture in colder climates. Stringing the bow was a difficult process. In order to string the bow, a Parthian, like a Scythian archer, must utilize both legs and arms.\n\nThe limbs of the bow curved outward from the handle grip resembling a “Cupid’s bow.” Strabo compares the bow’s shape to the Black Sea. The tips of bow lacked ears, giving it more flexibility. The length of the Scythian bow is approximately 80 cm (2.6 feet) in length, while other bows found in burial mounds at Pazyryk, Russia, measured 127 centimeters (4.2 feet). Overall, the Scythian double-curved composite bow is small, stiff, hardy, and powerful. But how far could the bow deliver an arrow?\n\nAs the Parthian horse archers spread out at Carrhae, attempting to attack the Romans from all sides, they had to be effective in killing or wounding the Romans at a distance of 160 yards; however to be lethal, he had to be at least 160 feet to 200 feet away. In addition, like the Scythians, the Parthians carried anywhere between 30, 150, and some estimates say up to 200 arrows in their quivers. When engaged in combat, the archer could release up to 12 arrows a minute, while others suggest 20 arrows a minute, but of course, this would depend on the nature of the battle. \nThe reason for the high rate of death inflicted upon the Romans was that not only did the hollow square protect them on all sides from frontal assaults or being flanked, it also made them an easy target due to being so densely crowded in together. It would have been impossible for a Parthian horse archer to miss. The Parthians, like the Scythians, were not necessarily looking for one shot, one kill. I am sure they would take advantage if the opportunity had presented itself. The Parthian horse archers at Carrhae likely positioned their bows at a 45-degree angle. From this angle, they could shower the enemy with arrows, to kill if possible, but mutilation would be the main objective from such a distance. Arrows from this distance would fall erratically on top of the enemy. Due to the distance of the shot, the intention would be to demoralize the enemy in hope that the enemy forces would withdraw. If the enemy withdrew, the Parthians, like the Scythian horse archers, could pick apart their enemy with individual kills, or they could leave him alone entirely to retreat. \n\nDr. Kaveh Farrokh suggests that the average Parthian horse archer, with a quiver of 30 arrows, loosed between 8-10 arrows a minute at Carrhae. It would take 2-3 minutes to exhaust his arsenal before needing resupplied. The amount of Parthian horse archers at the battle is estimated at 10,000. Now, if all 10,000 fired away for 20 minutes, the amount of arrows fired by an individual horse archer would have been between 160-200 arrows. Take 10,000 and the amount of arrows fired upon the Roman soldiers are estimated to have been an astounding 1.6-2 million arrows in a 20-minute timeframe. \n\nThe Romans soon realized that they could do nothing to alleviate the situation. If they stayed in their rank and file they would be wounded or killed. But if they made an attempt to counter the horse archers they would suffer the same fate. Any attempt to chase after them resulted in the horse archers retreating at a full gallop, and in doing so, they would turn around to shoot at the pursuing enemy. This is where the term “Parthian Shot” comes from. The Parthians were literally shooting fish in a barrel. \nMoreover, the Parthians were exploiting the Roman way of warfare. For the Romans to see the enemy retreat was a sign of defeat. Therefore, the Romans felt that they now had the advantage over their nemesis and pursued them. However, they soon realized and learned from this mistake that the enemy fought by an entirely different method. The Romans could do nothing as death from above poured down on them. \nCrassus’ only hope was that as long as they stood still in their square, the Parthians would soon run out of arrows. Once that happened, Crassus felt that the Parthians would have no choice but to engage the Romans at close quarters. However, that would not be the case. To the astonishment of the Romans, a Parthian camel train was standing by with fresh arrows. Surena proved adept at organization and logistics by using trains of camels to keep his horse archers constantly supplied, keeping continual pressure upon the Romans. This is contrary to Cassius Dio’s claim that the Parthians “do not lay in supplies of food or pay.” Cassius Dio may have felt that since the Parthians were not good at sieges, it must be due to issues of supply. \n\nCrassus’ confidence was deteriorating quickly. He sent a message to his son Publius to join the battle by taking 1,300 cavalry, 500 archers, and eight cohorts from the infantry. Crassus’ hope was to draw some of the Parthians away from the square as they were attempting to encircle the Romans. However, two reasons are given for the Parthians to attempt this. The first was to envelop the Romans completely, that in due time the legions would crowd closer as their numbers dwindled. However, Plutarch mentions that the Parthians had trouble enveloping the Roman rear due to the marshy terrain that made it difficult for the horses to maneuver. The second reason Plutarch gives seems more plausible, and that was to leave a window open just big enough to make the Romans think that they had found an advantage. Deceiving the Romans into thinking that they cannot surround them, Crassus’ son Publius takes the bait and charges ahead. However, it was an old steppe trick. Thinking they were retreating, Publius shouted excitedly, “’They are on the run,’ and charged after them.” The faked retreat worked, Publius was on the move; and the Parthians, stationed farther ahead and well hidden, were awaiting his arrival.\n\nPublius and the men were full of joy, thinking that they now had the advantage and victory was surely imminent. But moving farther away from the main body, they soon realized the pursuit was nothing more than a trick when the horse archers wheeled around and were joined by fresh troops. Publius ordered the men to halt as the Parthian cataphract was stationed in front of him. He hoped that they would engage them in close combat. Instead, the horse archers in loose order rode around the Romans, kicking up so much sand that a mini-sandstorm fell on top of the Romans and it became nearly impossible to see the enemy. By using nature as a weapon to disguise their movements, the horse archers were able to engage the Romans safely. Using nature as a force multiplier gave them the advantage of fighting uninhibitedly. Publius and his men could not see or breathe very well, inciting fear, which soon led to panic. The Romans in their disarray tripped, stumbled, and fell in each other’s way. The Parthian horse archers quickly took advantage and the arrow shower began. Publius did what any commander in the field would do and that was to reestablish order among the men. However, it was too late. \n\nIn the convulsion and agony of their pain they would writhe as the arrows struck them; they would break them off in their wounds and then lacerate and disfigure their own bodies by trying to tear out by main force the barbed arrow heads that had pierced through their veins and muscles.-- Plut, Crass 25\n\nMany of the men would die a slow, agonizing death in this fashion. Publius needed to act quickly. The Romans could not engage the horse archers in close combat while the Parthian chain of command, the cataphract, was nearby. If the Romans could make a break for the cataphract and engage them in close combat, they might have a chance to turn the tide of battle, especially if they could reach the Parthian commander, Surena, and kill him. \n\nPublius gives the order to attack the cataphract, but reality sets in. The Roman infantrymen who heard Publius showed him that they were unable to go on any further, for their “hands pinioned to their shields, feet nailed through into the ground, so that they were incapable of either running away or defending themselves.” Publius was so in touch with the battle that he was out of touch with his men. He soon realized the carnage that had been inflicted upon his forces. Once Publius assessed the situation, he gathered what remained of his Gallic cavalry and charged toward the cataphract.\n\nPublius’ Gallic cavalry was light, wore little armor, and carried small light spears. One would think Publius would have known better than to charge toward cavalrymen who were better armored than his. They would soon realize this as their light spears broke against the breastplate of the cataphract. The Gallic cavalry was no match for the cataphract, which would thrust their long pikes into the horses or riders. In order to overcome, or at least have a fighting chance, the Gallic cavalryman, if the opportunity presented itself, would grab the pike of the cataphract and hope to use his own weight against him by pulling him off his horse. Many of the cataphract were smart enough to know that being weighted down by their armor made movement cumbersome. If there was any fighting chance, it was best on foot or in this case, on his back or knees, as he would get underneath the Gallic cavalryman’s horse and thrust his sword into the animal’s belly. This would cause the horse to rear up, throwing the rider off, and trampling whoever was underneath or nearby before collapsing. Perhaps even some cataphract died in this fashion. With so many Gallic cavalry now dead, the only option for the Romans was to retreat. What was left of the Gallic cavalry pulled back, taking a badly wounded Publius and what remained of the infantry to higher ground. This would also prove to be a mistake. \n\nPublius and his men retreated to a nearby sandy hill. However, the sandy hill provided little protection. As the Roman infantry was placed in the front, those behind the infantry stuck out like a sore thumb due to the elevation. The horse archers once again pelted the Romans relentlessly with arrows. The Romans could do little more than watch their troops fall. \n\nAs the situation quickly deteriorated, two Greeks from the nearby town of Carrhae, Hieronymus and Nicomachus, offered to help Publius escape to a nearby town, Ichnae, friendly to Rome. Publius refused the offer since so many men were either dead or dying on his account. Like a Roman commander, he attempted to take his own life, but was unable since an arrow had pierced his hand. Thus, he ordered his shield bearer to run him through with his gladius. \nThe Parthians eventually made it up the hill after the horse archers had softened the Romans a bit more. Once on the hill, the Parthian cataphract would charge through the Romans, breaking their bodies and spirits. The remaining Romans surrendered; about 500 were taken prisoner. As for the body of Publius, the Parthians took the body and severed his head. \n\nWhen Publius had gone charging off after the Parthian horse archers in an attempt to give the Roman army some breathing room and time to assess the situation, the Parthians had slacked off from attacking the main body. The reason, of course, was that Publius was a high profile target with little protection. Surena understood that if he could get Publius as far away as possible from the main Roman body, he could fix, engage, and defeat the target, which would send shockwaves throughout the Roman army. Surena was correct in his judgment. \n\nAs Crassus waited for his son Publius to return from the pursuit, he began to gain confidence that his son was doing all right. Crassus placed his men in regular order and moved them to sloping ground. During Publius’ engagement, he attempted to send messages to Crassus. The first never made it through, as the messenger was killed, but other messages indicating that Publius needed his help immediately made it through to Crassus. Crassus’ hopes that his son was doing well all came crashing down when his son needed him. It was at this point that Crassus was unable to make a clear judgment on what to do: Either he assist his son or stay put. On top of that, he began to lose confidence and feared the worst possible outcome for his army. As Crassus was going through a tug of war in his head, he finally made the decision to move the Roman army in attempt to help Publius; Crassus did not know that his son, Publius, was already dead.\n\nJust as Crassus’ army moved forward, the Parthians swooped in again, beating their drums and shouting aloud, but with even greater ferocity than before. As the Roman army prepared for the second wave of attack, some of the Parthian cavalry approached the Roman line. One of the cataphract had a nasty surprise for Crassus; it was the head of Publius on the tip of a spear. But before the battle was to commence again, the cataphract had a message for Crassus saying, “it was impossible, they said, that such a brave and gallant solder could be the son of such a miserable coward as Crassus.” If the Roman army had any confidence left in them, that very moment sucked the life’s blood out of them. \n\nCrassus, who suffered the most from this tragedy, rode up and down the ranks, shouting, “this grief is a private thing of my own. But in you, who are safe and sound, abide the great fortune and the glory of Rome. And now, if you feel any pity for me, who have lost the best son that any father has ever had, show it in the fury with which you face the enemy.” Crassus’ encouraging speech to fight on and think of their ancestors who fought hard battles did little to lift up the men’s spirits, for Plutarch mentions that “while he was speaking these words of encouragement, Crassus could see how few there were who were listening to him with enthusiasm.” When Crassus wanted to hear the war cry of his men, it was a “weak, feeble, and unsteady shout.” The battle was lost.\n\nAfter Crassus had finished preparing the men for the second wave of battle, the Parthians quickly got to work by surrounding the Romans and showering them with arrows. As the horse archers began to pelt the enemy to death, Surena decided to up the carnage by unleashing the cataphract. The strategy was simple. With Roman confidence withering away, the cataphract would have a much greater chance of driving the Roman infantry closer together and into each other’s way. The strategy paid off! With each charge, the cataphract was successful in penetrating the Roman lines and quickly breaking from engagement, which allowed the horse archers to concentrate their arrows on a compacted target. \n\nThe Romans were losing men quickly during this second wave of attack as the arrows continually rained down and the cataphract kept crushing and driving back the troops. Crassus had no choice but to retreat; but to do so in the daylight was far more risky, and the night could not come soon enough.\n\nIn the end, Crassus would make his way down the hill to meet with Surena. The Romans were on foot and the Parthians were on horseback. Surena was so shocked that Crassus, the imperator of Rome was on foot that he quickly offered him a horse, but Crassus declined the offer, saying he was merely following the custom of his own country. Surena quickly went straight to the point and informed Crassus that peace existed between King Orodes and the Romans. In order to make this deal final, an agreement must be signed near the Euphrates River. Surena than spoke to Crassus and said “We find that you Romans have not got very good memories about the terms of treaties.” Afterwards, Crassus called for a horse and suddenly Surena offered him a horse with a golden bridle as a present. The grooms lifted Crassus up onto the saddle and ran alongside the horse, whipping the horse to make the animal go faster. Octavius quickly charged after Crassus and got hold of the bridle. Petronius, along with the men, quickly surrounded the horse to slow the animal. It was during this struggle with the horse that a brawl broke out. It seems that the grooms of the horse did little to slow the beast down, so Octavius drew his sword and killed one of the grooms; this in turn caused himself to be killed. Petronius also would be struck, but his breastplate saved him. Crassus would also be killed during this struggle by a Parthian named Pomaxathres. However, Cassius Dio expresses that Crassus did not die by the hands of a Parthian, rather a fellow Roman killed him to prevent him from being captured alive. What is most important and overlooked is that Parthia had a body but no treaty. \n\n\nBibliography\nAshley, James R. Macedonian Empire: The Era of Warfare Under Philip II and Alexander the Great, 359-323 B.C. Jefferson, N.C.: Mcfarland & Company, 2004.\nBaumer, Christoph. The History of Central Asia: The Age of the Steppe Warriors . London: I.B. Tauris, 2012.\nBoak, Arthur. A History of Rome to 565 A.D. 4th ed. New York: Macmillan, 1955.\nBrosius, Maria. The Persians: An Introduction. London: Routledge, 2006.\nCary, Max and Howard Hayes Scullard. A History of Rome Down to the Reign of Constantine . London: Macmillan, 1995.\nCicero, Marcus Tullius. Epistulae ad Atticum, trans. E.O. Windstedt, 3 vols. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1956.\nDio Cocceianus, Cassius. Dio's Roman History, trans. E Cary, Loeb Classical Library, 9 vols. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1954.\nFarrokh, Kaveh. Shadows in the Desert: Ancient Persia at War. Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2007.\nHildinger, Erik. Warriors of the Steppe: A Military History of Central Asia 500 B.C. to 1700 A.D. New York and Washington D.C.: Da Capo Press, 2001.\nHurley, Vic. Arrows against Steel: The History of the Bow and How It Forever Changed Warfare . Salem, Oregon: Cerberus Books, 2011.\nJosephus, Flavius. The Complete Works of Josephus, trans. William Whiston. Grand Rapids, MI: Kregel Publications, 1990.\nJustinus, Marcus Janianus. Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus, Trans. John Selby Watson. London: Henry G. Bohn, York Street, Convent Garden, 1853.\nKarasulas, Antony. Mounted Archers of the Steepe 600 BC-AD 1300. Oxford: Osprey Publishing, 2004.\nKnecht, Heidi. Projectile Technology (Interdisciplinary Contributions to Archaeology). New York: Springer, 1997.\nLitvinsky, B. A. \"\"HELMET i. In Pre-Islamic Iran,” Encyclopædia Iranica, Vol. XII, Fasc. 2, pp. 176-180.\" Encyclopædia Iranica. December 15, 2013. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/helmet-i (accessed June 21, 2013).\nMahal Singh, Bhupinder. Punjab: The Nomads and The Mavericks. New Delhi: Sunbun Publishers, 2000.\nMayor, Adrienne. Greek Fire, Poison Arrows & Scorpion Bombs: Bilogical and Chemical Warfare in the Ancient World. New York: Duckworth, 2003.\nPliny, H. Rackham, W. H. S. Jones, and D.E. Eichholz. The Natural History. London: Folio Society, 2011.\nPlutarch. Moralia. Translated by Frank Cole Babbitt. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1962.\n—. The Parallel Lives, vol.6, translated by Bernadotte Perrin. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1919.\nSarkhosh Curtis, Vesta and Sarah Stewart. The Age of the Parthians The Idea of Iran Volume II. London: I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd, 2007.\nSheldon, Rose Mary. Rome’s Wars in Parthia: Blood in the Sand . London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2010.",
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}cam-reapublished a new post: the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-2
cam-reapublished a new post: the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-2
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| permlink | the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-2 |
| title | The Roman-Parthian Wars: The Battle of Carrhae (53 BCE) Part 2 |
| body | MANDATORY SUICIDE Before Crassus set off for Parthia, messengers from the Roman-occupied cities in Mesopotamia brought startling news. The Parthian forces were large, terrifying, and well-equipped to fight the Romans. The truth is, while the Parthian ambassadors negotiated with Crassus, Parthian armies were on the move. The general responsible for the devastating news brought to Crassus was none other than Surena, along with Sillaces, who were in Mesopotamia recapturing the provinces lost to Rome. These people are impossible to shake off if they are in pursuit, and impossible to overtake if they are in flight; they employ a new kind of missile which travels faster than sight and pierces through whatever is in the way before one can see who is discharging these weapons; and their armoured cavalry has weapons of offence which will cut through everything and defensive equipment which will stand up to any blow.-- Plut, Crass 19. Crassus found these reports to be exaggerated. However, the soldiers thought otherwise. The news was depressing and one can see why. The soldiers who found the news disheartening were those who had never seen combat. These men thought that the Parthians were no different from the Armenians or Cappadocians that Lucullus and Pompey engaged a decade earlier. However, the veterans, those who served under Pompey, understood what they were about to face. But even veterans get nervous; they just go about it more professionally. The same goes for officers, but even they showed signs of uncertainty, like Gaius Cassius Longinus, the quaestor, who advised Crassus that it might be smart not to advance and to rethink the whole operation. Crassus would not hear of it. While Surena was campaigning in Mesopotamia, Orodes was moving towards the Armenian border. Orodes strategy was defensive. Orodes figured that if Crassus were to make his way into Parthia, he would use his ally, Armenia. King Artavasdes II of Armenia offered Crassus safe passage through his country with supplies and provided 10,000 armored cavalry, including the king’s personal guard of 6,000 cavalry along with an additional 30,000 infantry, all paid for by the king. Artavasdes’ offer to Crassus was great, but also strategic. Artavasdes understood that if Crassus’ army were to pass through Armenia, it would give the Romans and the supporting Armenian troops the upper hand since the cavalry-based forces would be somewhat immobile in the mountainous areas. By avoiding the open plains below, the Parthians would be at odds and effectively hamstrung from using their full potential power during engagement. However, Orodes understood this and during his march towards the Armenian border, took mainly infantry with him. One could look at this and notice that if Crassus did go through Armenia, with the additional Armenian support, the Romans combined with their allied support would total around 88,000 men. This complex force, which had both substantial elements of heavy and light infantry and cavalry, would have been a strong weapons system to face. To think Orodes did not realize this is in error. It is obvious by now that Orodes knew what was going on in Rome before Crassus even knew that they knew of his intentions. Furthermore, Orodes was not blind to the presence of the Armenians. He knew their strengths and weaknesses and understood what he could and could not do. So, why would Orodes wait for the enemy forces to pour down from the Armenian mountains into Parthia if he did not have a fighting chance? The answer involves Surena and the open plain. Orodes, a very smart strategist and tactician, understood that if Rome had a chance, it would be through Armenia. Once the Roman forces were located, fixed, and engaged on the open plain, it would allow Surena to maneuver around the enemy and attack from behind with his cavalry forces. This was a classic tactic used by many, made popular by Alexander the Great, and was known as “The Hammer and Anvil tactic.” However, Orodes’ seemingly well-planned coordinated defense measure would not take place. Instead, Crassus, being the business tactician he is, decided to gamble even when the chips were stacked in his favor. To Orodes’ surprise, Crassus turned down the Armenian king’s generous offer of safe passage and assistance along the way. Crassus made the decision to march along the Euphrates River. His reason was to reach the “many brave Roman soldiers.” Either the intelligence reports Crassus received indicated that some cities were still under Roman control, or he really did not know and felt that the reports that came in from those cities being attacked by the Parthians before he left were mere exaggerations. Either or, Crassus’ move exposed his army to immense danger. As for Orodes, who perhaps was astonished that Crassus did not take King Artavasdes’ safe passage and assistance offer, decided to go on the offensive and invade Armenia, leaving Surena to confront Crassus. Before going any further, it is necessary that one knows who Surena was. According to Plutarch, Surena was "an extremely distinguished man. In wealth, birth, and in the honor paid to him, he ranked next after the king; in courage and ability he was the foremost Parthian of his time; and in stature and personal beauty he had no equal." Plutarch further adds that Surena was “always accompanied by a baggage train of 1,000 camels; 200 wagons carried his harem; 1,000 armored cavalry and still more light armed cavalry acted as his escort.” In total, he had 10,000 at his side. As the Romans pressed forward, the usual task was to send scouts ahead of the main body to collect intelligence, maybe even get a glimpse of the enemy scouts and so forth. The scouts would come back with nothing new to offer, other than the path is clear, no sign of danger. However, that was about to change. A report came to Crassus that horse tracks--a great many of them--had been discovered. Crassus was delighted by the news, because to the Romans, it only proved that the enemy will not engage them directly, that the enemy is afraid of the Romans, that the fight will be just as easy as it was for Lucullus and Pompey during the Mithridatic Wars As Crassus was being advised, another man appears, Ariamnes. Plutarch does not speak highly of this man. Instead, he refers to him as a “sly treacherous character.” Not much is known about this Arab chieftain other then what Plutarch mentions. However, the historian Cassius Dio calls him by the name of Abgarus, and instead of being an Arab chieftain, he is from the Kingdom of Osrhoene, which was located in northern Mesopotamia, bordering Roman Syria, and was under the suzerainty of both Rome and Parthia during their turbulent times. What is known is that Ariamnes had been around the Romans for quite some time, that he benefited from Pompey’s kindness, and that Roman soldiers, who once served under Pompey, now under the command of Crassus, seemed to trust him. In other words, there is nothing to worry about, because Ariamnes is pro-Roman. What makes him suspect is that he was able to persuade Crassus not to play it safe but to continue to move down the Euphrates River and making an unthinkable beeline across Mesopotamia to attack the enemy, who was supposedly disorganized due to the disappearance of the king. By moving his army away from the Euphrates, Crassus effectively severed his line of supply and communication, and soon would realize that the enemy was anything but disorganized. |
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"body": "MANDATORY SUICIDE\n\nBefore Crassus set off for Parthia, messengers from the Roman-occupied cities in Mesopotamia brought startling news. The Parthian forces were large, terrifying, and well-equipped to fight the Romans. The truth is, while the Parthian ambassadors negotiated with Crassus, Parthian armies were on the move. The general responsible for the devastating news brought to Crassus was none other than Surena, along with Sillaces, who were in Mesopotamia recapturing the provinces lost to Rome. \n\nThese people are impossible to shake off if they are in pursuit, and impossible to overtake if they are in flight; they employ a new kind of missile which travels faster than sight and pierces through whatever is in the way before one can see who is discharging these weapons; and their armoured cavalry has weapons of offence which will cut through everything and defensive equipment which will stand up to any blow.-- Plut, Crass 19.\n\t\t\t\nCrassus found these reports to be exaggerated. However, the soldiers thought otherwise. The news was depressing and one can see why.\n\nThe soldiers who found the news disheartening were those who had never seen combat. These men thought that the Parthians were no different from the Armenians or Cappadocians that Lucullus and Pompey engaged a decade earlier. However, the veterans, those who served under Pompey, understood what they were about to face. But even veterans get nervous; they just go about it more professionally. The same goes for officers, but even they showed signs of uncertainty, like Gaius Cassius Longinus, the quaestor, who advised Crassus that it might be smart not to advance and to rethink the whole operation. Crassus would not hear of it. \n\nWhile Surena was campaigning in Mesopotamia, Orodes was moving towards the Armenian border. Orodes strategy was defensive. Orodes figured that if Crassus were to make his way into Parthia, he would use his ally, Armenia. King Artavasdes II of Armenia offered Crassus safe passage through his country with supplies and provided 10,000 armored cavalry, including the king’s personal guard of 6,000 cavalry along with an additional 30,000 infantry, all paid for by the king. Artavasdes’ offer to Crassus was great, but also strategic. Artavasdes understood that if Crassus’ army were to pass through Armenia, it would give the Romans and the supporting Armenian troops the upper hand since the cavalry-based forces would be somewhat immobile in the mountainous areas. By avoiding the open plains below, the Parthians would be at odds and effectively hamstrung from using their full potential power during engagement. However, Orodes understood this and during his march towards the Armenian border, took mainly infantry with him. \n\nOne could look at this and notice that if Crassus did go through Armenia, with the additional Armenian support, the Romans combined with their allied support would total around 88,000 men. This complex force, which had both substantial elements of heavy and light infantry and cavalry, would have been a strong weapons system to face. To think Orodes did not realize this is in error. It is obvious by now that Orodes knew what was going on in Rome before Crassus even knew that they knew of his intentions. Furthermore, Orodes was not blind to the presence of the Armenians. He knew their strengths and weaknesses and understood what he could and could not do. So, why would Orodes wait for the enemy forces to pour down from the Armenian mountains into Parthia if he did not have a fighting chance? The answer involves Surena and the open plain. Orodes, a very smart strategist and tactician, understood that if Rome had a chance, it would be through Armenia. Once the Roman forces were located, fixed, and engaged on the open plain, it would allow Surena to maneuver around the enemy and attack from behind with his cavalry forces. This was a classic tactic used by many, made popular by Alexander the Great, and was known as “The Hammer and Anvil tactic.” However, Orodes’ seemingly well-planned coordinated defense measure would not take place. Instead, Crassus, being the business tactician he is, decided to gamble even when the chips were stacked in his favor. \n\nTo Orodes’ surprise, Crassus turned down the Armenian king’s generous offer of safe passage and assistance along the way. Crassus made the decision to march along the Euphrates River. His reason was to reach the “many brave Roman soldiers.” Either the intelligence reports Crassus received indicated that some cities were still under Roman control, or he really did not know and felt that the reports that came in from those cities being attacked by the Parthians before he left were mere exaggerations. Either or, Crassus’ move exposed his army to immense danger. As for Orodes, who perhaps was astonished that Crassus did not take King Artavasdes’ safe passage and assistance offer, decided to go on the offensive and invade Armenia, leaving Surena to confront Crassus. \n\nBefore going any further, it is necessary that one knows who Surena was. According to Plutarch, Surena was \"an extremely distinguished man. In wealth, birth, and in the honor paid to him, he ranked next after the king; in courage and ability he was the foremost Parthian of his time; and in stature and personal beauty he had no equal.\" Plutarch further adds that Surena was “always accompanied by a baggage train of 1,000 camels; 200 wagons carried his harem; 1,000 armored cavalry and still more light armed cavalry acted as his escort.” In total, he had 10,000 at his side. \n\nAs the Romans pressed forward, the usual task was to send scouts ahead of the main body to collect intelligence, maybe even get a glimpse of the enemy scouts and so forth. The scouts would come back with nothing new to offer, other than the path is clear, no sign of danger. However, that was about to change. A report came to Crassus that horse tracks--a great many of them--had been discovered. Crassus was delighted by the news, because to the Romans, it only proved that the enemy will not engage them directly, that the enemy is afraid of the Romans, that the fight will be just as easy as it was for Lucullus and Pompey during the Mithridatic Wars\n\nAs Crassus was being advised, another man appears, Ariamnes. Plutarch does not speak highly of this man. Instead, he refers to him as a “sly treacherous character.” Not much is known about this Arab chieftain other then what Plutarch mentions. However, the historian Cassius Dio calls him by the name of Abgarus, and instead of being an Arab chieftain, he is from the Kingdom of Osrhoene, which was located in northern Mesopotamia, bordering Roman Syria, and was under the suzerainty of both Rome and Parthia during their turbulent times. \n\nWhat is known is that Ariamnes had been around the Romans for quite some time, that he benefited from Pompey’s kindness, and that Roman soldiers, who once served under Pompey, now under the command of Crassus, seemed to trust him. In other words, there is nothing to worry about, because Ariamnes is pro-Roman. What makes him suspect is that he was able to persuade Crassus not to play it safe but to continue to move down the Euphrates River and making an unthinkable beeline across Mesopotamia to attack the enemy, who was supposedly disorganized due to the disappearance of the king. By moving his army away from the Euphrates, Crassus effectively severed his line of supply and communication, and soon would realize that the enemy was anything but disorganized.",
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}cam-reapublished a new post: the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-1
cam-reapublished a new post: the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-1
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}cam-reapublished a new post: the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-1
cam-reapublished a new post: the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-1
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}cam-reaupvoted (100.00%) @cam-rea / the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-1
cam-reaupvoted (100.00%) @cam-rea / the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-1
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cam-reapublished a new post: the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-1
| parent author | |
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| author | cam-rea |
| permlink | the-roman-parthian-wars-the-battle-of-carrhae-53-bce-part-1 |
| title | The Roman-Parthian Wars: The Battle of Carrhae (53 BCE) Part 1 |
| body | In 56 BCE, Julius Caesar invited Marcus Licinius Crassus and Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus to Luca in Cisalpine Gaul (Luca is the modern day city of Lucca in Italy) in 56 BCE. Caesar requested that they meet to repair their strained relationship, which was established around 60 BCE and was kept secret from the Senate for some time. During this event, a crowd of 100 or more senators showed up to petition for their sovereign patronage. The men cast lots and chose which areas to govern. Caesar got what he wanted, Gaul; Pompey obtained Spain; and Crassus received Syria. All of this would become official when Pompey and Crassus were elected as consuls in 55 BCE. Crassus’ plan to war with Parthia by launching a preemptive strike caused great commotion among the senators. The Senate did not like the idea because Rome had a treaty with Parthia. However, men with power see things differently. While the Senate was against the idea, Caesar was for such an expedition, because with Crassus dead, it would leave just two men to fight over the Republic. Crassus would leave on November 14, 55 BCE, never to return. Crassus arrived in Brundisium to winter storms and rough waters, far too dangerous for sailing. But he would not let bad weather hinder his ambitious plans and gave the order to set sail. Many ships were lost. He eventually made landfall and hurried his men through Galatia. Before Crassus made his way into Syria, he turned east, marched to the Euphrates River, built a bridge, and violated the border agreement by crossing over into Parthian territory. The Parthians were unaware of the invasion, which made the crossing easy for Crassus. Crassus’ first engagement with the Parthians took place near the fortress of Ichnae. The satrap Sillaces was wounded and defeated, then retreated to inform Orodes of the Roman invasion. Crassus’ preemptive strike was short-lived, resulting in widespread damage and plundering. During the mission, many Mesopotamian cities, particularly the Greco-Macedonian ones, like the city of Nicephorium, surrendered without a fight, for they saw the Romans as friends who shared a similar culture and way of life. However, the city of Zenodotia, ruled by a Greek tyrant named Apollonius, withstood the Roman deliverance by slaying 100 Roman soldiers. The Romans quickly overwhelmed the defenses; the people were sold into slavery and the city was looted. Crassus did not proceed any further than Zenodotia. Instead, he turned his forces back and crossed over into Roman Syria for the winter. The consequences of Crassus’ decision not to pursue further into Parthian territory were grave. By not capitalizing on the momentum gained, the Parthians had time to muster their forces and coordinate their plan of attack. Crassus arrived in Syria with seven legions (roughly 35,000 heavy infantry) along with 4,000 lightly armed troops and 4,000 cavalry. Caesar gave Crassus an additional 1,000 Gallic cavalry under the command of Crassus’ son Publius. With such forces under his command, one would think Crassus would be preparing the men for war, continuing to send scouts, building upon the gathered intelligence, and taking the opportunity to make contact with potential allies, like the cities of Babylon and Seleucia, which were hostile to the Parthians. However, Crassus did none of the above, according to Plutarch. The troops did not muster; there were no athletic contests or physical training. In other words, there was no accountability taken. When troops are left to their own devices, uncertainty creeps in. With no real purpose, the men lose sight of their objective. However, one has to take this with a grain of salt, for Plutarch mentions that Crassus knew little when it came to military affairs. This would be a bit unfair, for even though Crassus enjoyed the luxuries of a wealthy man, one cannot forget that he did defeat Spartacus' slave rebellion, even though Pompey took credit for the victory at the very end. Even though Plutarch paints a negative picture of Crassus, it should be questioned, but not be entirely dismissed. Instead of preparing the men for battle, he went about confiscating wealth from the local Syrian cities, including temples, like the temple treasures of the goddess Atargatis in Hierapolis Bambyke, or making his way further south to the province of Judea and looting the temple in Jerusalem. He refrained from using his bankroll to fund the entire campaign, by confiscating and using the wealth of the locals and their temples instead. He treated his campaign as a personal business venture. Once the winter had subsided, Crassus began to mobilize his forces. While Crassus was preparing to set off for war, ambassadors from Parthia paid a visit. The ambassadors of King Orodes asked a simple question. If the Roman people sent this army then it should be a war to the bitter end. However, the ambassadors understood that the Roman public did not support this war. In a way, one could say that Parthia’s military intelligence was far better than the Romans, at least in this case. They understood the difference between a nation declaring war and one man’s ambition. Because of this, Orodes displayed a level of respect in his message. Orodes shows his sympathetic feelings and is willing to be merciful to Crassus due to his old age. Even the men serving under Crassus were viewed as prisoners by Orodes, and because of this, Orodes was willing to let the soldiers go freely back home. Orodes’ message was rather simple: leave and no blood shall be shed. Crassus listened carefully to the king’s message and boastfully replied “that he would give them his answer in Seleucia.” This caused the ambassadors to laugh, and the eldest ambassador, Vagises, pointed to the palm of his upturned hand and replied, “Hair will grow here, Crassus, before you set eyes on Seleucia.” The war was on. |
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"body": "In 56 BCE, Julius Caesar invited Marcus Licinius Crassus and Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus to Luca in Cisalpine Gaul (Luca is the modern day city of Lucca in Italy) in 56 BCE. Caesar requested that they meet to repair their strained relationship, which was established around 60 BCE and was kept secret from the Senate for some time. During this event, a crowd of 100 or more senators showed up to petition for their sovereign patronage. The men cast lots and chose which areas to govern. Caesar got what he wanted, Gaul; Pompey obtained Spain; and Crassus received Syria. All of this would become official when Pompey and Crassus were elected as consuls in 55 BCE.\n\tCrassus’ plan to war with Parthia by launching a preemptive strike caused great commotion among the senators. The Senate did not like the idea because Rome had a treaty with Parthia. However, men with power see things differently. While the Senate was against the idea, Caesar was for such an expedition, because with Crassus dead, it would leave just two men to fight over the Republic. Crassus would leave on November 14, 55 BCE, never to return. \nCrassus arrived in Brundisium to winter storms and rough waters, far too dangerous for sailing. But he would not let bad weather hinder his ambitious plans and gave the order to set sail. Many ships were lost. He eventually made landfall and hurried his men through Galatia. Before Crassus made his way into Syria, he turned east, marched to the Euphrates River, built a bridge, and violated the border agreement by crossing over into Parthian territory. The Parthians were unaware of the invasion, which made the crossing easy for Crassus. \n Crassus’ first engagement with the Parthians took place near the fortress of Ichnae. The satrap Sillaces was wounded and defeated, then retreated to inform Orodes of the Roman invasion. Crassus’ preemptive strike was short-lived, resulting in widespread damage and plundering. During the mission, many Mesopotamian cities, particularly the Greco-Macedonian ones, like the city of Nicephorium, surrendered without a fight, for they saw the Romans as friends who shared a similar culture and way of life. However, the city of Zenodotia, ruled by a Greek tyrant named Apollonius, withstood the Roman deliverance by slaying 100 Roman soldiers. The Romans quickly overwhelmed the defenses; the people were sold into slavery and the city was looted. Crassus did not proceed any further than Zenodotia. Instead, he turned his forces back and crossed over into Roman Syria for the winter. The consequences of Crassus’ decision not to pursue further into Parthian territory were grave. By not capitalizing on the momentum gained, the Parthians had time to muster their forces and coordinate their plan of attack. \n Crassus arrived in Syria with seven legions (roughly 35,000 heavy infantry) along with 4,000 lightly armed troops and 4,000 cavalry. Caesar gave Crassus an additional 1,000 Gallic cavalry under the command of Crassus’ son Publius. With such forces under his command, one would think Crassus would be preparing the men for war, continuing to send scouts, building upon the gathered intelligence, and taking the opportunity to make contact with potential allies, like the cities of Babylon and Seleucia, which were hostile to the Parthians. However, Crassus did none of the above, according to Plutarch. The troops did not muster; there were no athletic contests or physical training. In other words, there was no accountability taken. When troops are left to their own devices, uncertainty creeps in. With no real purpose, the men lose sight of their objective. However, one has to take this with a grain of salt, for Plutarch mentions that Crassus knew little when it came to military affairs. This would be a bit unfair, for even though Crassus enjoyed the luxuries of a wealthy man, one cannot forget that he did defeat Spartacus' slave rebellion, even though Pompey took credit for the victory at the very end. Even though Plutarch paints a negative picture of Crassus, it should be questioned, but not be entirely dismissed. \n Instead of preparing the men for battle, he went about confiscating wealth from the local Syrian cities, including temples, like the temple treasures of the goddess Atargatis in Hierapolis Bambyke, or making his way further south to the province of Judea and looting the temple in Jerusalem. He refrained from using his bankroll to fund the entire campaign, by confiscating and using the wealth of the locals and their temples instead. He treated his campaign as a personal business venture. \n Once the winter had subsided, Crassus began to mobilize his forces. While Crassus was preparing to set off for war, ambassadors from Parthia paid a visit. The ambassadors of King Orodes asked a simple question. If the Roman people sent this army then it should be a war to the bitter end. However, the ambassadors understood that the Roman public did not support this war. In a way, one could say that Parthia’s military intelligence was far better than the Romans, at least in this case. They understood the difference between a nation declaring war and one man’s ambition. Because of this, Orodes displayed a level of respect in his message. Orodes shows his sympathetic feelings and is willing to be merciful to Crassus due to his old age. Even the men serving under Crassus were viewed as prisoners by Orodes, and because of this, Orodes was willing to let the soldiers go freely back home. Orodes’ message was rather simple: leave and no blood shall be shed. Crassus listened carefully to the king’s message and boastfully replied “that he would give them his answer in Seleucia.” This caused the ambassadors to laugh, and the eldest ambassador, Vagises, pointed to the palm of his upturned hand and replied, “Hair will grow here, Crassus, before you set eyes on Seleucia.” The war was on.",
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}malxdrakonupvoted (100.00%) @cam-rea / beer-coffee-drinking-military-historian
malxdrakonupvoted (100.00%) @cam-rea / beer-coffee-drinking-military-historian
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}cam-reaupvoted (100.00%) @cam-rea / beer-coffee-drinking-military-historian
cam-reaupvoted (100.00%) @cam-rea / beer-coffee-drinking-military-historian
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cam-reapublished a new post: beer-coffee-drinking-military-historian
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| body | I'll make this as boring as possible. My name is Cam Rea. I'm a Military Historian and currently the Associate Editor/Writer at Strategy & Tactics Press. I've published several books and have written numerous articles for Strategy & Tactics Press. So sit back, grab a beer, enjoy a smoke, and have a cup of coffee as I post articles while swinging from a chandelier like Tarzan. You can find my books here: https://www.amazon.com/Cam-Rea/e/B002E1DWJY You can also find my authors page on facebook. |
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}
]
}| fee | 3.000 STEEM |
| creator | steem |
| new account name | cam-rea |
| owner | {"weight_threshold":1,"account_auths":[],"key_auths":[["STM8CmzNrze3gvMBLZjwWMoMYa2Lpguv53JV5hsMU6atX7vFeW7pg",1]]} |
| active | {"weight_threshold":1,"account_auths":[],"key_auths":[["STM8AdAJjVqPAw9DxLyekoyWAD1wdBF8fmoBB7ofEq168chNnCSMP",1]]} |
| posting | {"weight_threshold":1,"account_auths":[],"key_auths":[["STM763gYjQpZRCz7GMuLk7mpiiBYMAZtVkMMzABUzJYE8WbaoJrmj",1]]} |
| memo key | STM6XTbtVSGtLRrLrkRnNPZ7oKvYsM4RgYrAeoJMXQZ5z8J8fYc2T |
| json metadata | |
| Transaction Info | Block #3852536/Trx db46a6023d240704aa457edc89616284fd04010f |
View Raw JSON Data
{
"trx_id": "db46a6023d240704aa457edc89616284fd04010f",
"block": 3852536,
"trx_in_block": 0,
"op_in_trx": 0,
"virtual_op": 0,
"timestamp": "2016-08-06T18:28:21",
"op": [
"account_create",
{
"fee": "3.000 STEEM",
"creator": "steem",
"new_account_name": "cam-rea",
"owner": {
"weight_threshold": 1,
"account_auths": [],
"key_auths": [
[
"STM8CmzNrze3gvMBLZjwWMoMYa2Lpguv53JV5hsMU6atX7vFeW7pg",
1
]
]
},
"active": {
"weight_threshold": 1,
"account_auths": [],
"key_auths": [
[
"STM8AdAJjVqPAw9DxLyekoyWAD1wdBF8fmoBB7ofEq168chNnCSMP",
1
]
]
},
"posting": {
"weight_threshold": 1,
"account_auths": [],
"key_auths": [
[
"STM763gYjQpZRCz7GMuLk7mpiiBYMAZtVkMMzABUzJYE8WbaoJrmj",
1
]
]
},
"memo_key": "STM6XTbtVSGtLRrLrkRnNPZ7oKvYsM4RgYrAeoJMXQZ5z8J8fYc2T",
"json_metadata": ""
}
]
}Manabar
Voting Power100.00%
Downvote Power100.00%
Resource Credits100.00%
Reputation Progress0.00%
{
"voting_manabar": {
"current_mana": 9865,
"last_update_time": 1470774711
},
"downvote_manabar": {
"current_mana": 0,
"last_update_time": 1470508101
},
"rc_account": {
"account": "cam-rea",
"rc_manabar": {
"current_mana": "13449550120",
"last_update_time": 1537887600
},
"max_rc_creation_adjustment": {
"amount": "2020748973",
"precision": 6,
"nai": "@@000000037"
},
"max_rc": "13449550120"
}
}Account Metadata
| POSTING JSON METADATA | |
| None | |
| JSON METADATA | |
| None |
{
"posting_json_metadata": {},
"json_metadata": {}
}Auth Keys
Owner
Single Signature
Public Keys
STM8CmzNrze3gvMBLZjwWMoMYa2Lpguv53JV5hsMU6atX7vFeW7pg1/1
Active
Single Signature
Public Keys
STM8AdAJjVqPAw9DxLyekoyWAD1wdBF8fmoBB7ofEq168chNnCSMP1/1
Posting
Single Signature
Public Keys
STM763gYjQpZRCz7GMuLk7mpiiBYMAZtVkMMzABUzJYE8WbaoJrmj1/1
Memo
STM6XTbtVSGtLRrLrkRnNPZ7oKvYsM4RgYrAeoJMXQZ5z8J8fYc2T
{
"owner": {
"weight_threshold": 1,
"account_auths": [],
"key_auths": [
[
"STM8CmzNrze3gvMBLZjwWMoMYa2Lpguv53JV5hsMU6atX7vFeW7pg",
1
]
]
},
"active": {
"weight_threshold": 1,
"account_auths": [],
"key_auths": [
[
"STM8AdAJjVqPAw9DxLyekoyWAD1wdBF8fmoBB7ofEq168chNnCSMP",
1
]
]
},
"posting": {
"weight_threshold": 1,
"account_auths": [],
"key_auths": [
[
"STM763gYjQpZRCz7GMuLk7mpiiBYMAZtVkMMzABUzJYE8WbaoJrmj",
1
]
]
},
"memo": "STM6XTbtVSGtLRrLrkRnNPZ7oKvYsM4RgYrAeoJMXQZ5z8J8fYc2T"
}Witness Votes
0 / 30
No active witness votes.
[]